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63 pages 2 hours read

Michael Pollan

How to Change Your Mind: What the New Science of Psychedelics Teaches Us About Consciousness, Dying, Addiction, Depression, and Transcendence (2018)

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2018

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Chapter 5-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 5 Summary: “The Neuroscience: Your Brain on Psychedelics”

In Chapter 5 Pollan focuses on what we know about the science behind the functionality of psychedelics, something the field is still parsing out. This book focuses on three different molecules: psilocin, LSD, and 5-MEO-DMT. These molecules have many similarities. They fall into the class of molecules called tryptamines, organic compounds that have a six-atom ring and a five-atom ring linked together (291). Serotonin is also a tryptamine, and one of the more famous neurotransmitters. While it’s well known, science still doesn’t completely understand some of its binding properties and functions. Also, psychedelics use the same receptor as serotonin, called 5-HT2A (292). You can find these receptors on the cortex of the brain, which is the outer layer. Psychedelic molecules have a close enough structure to serotonin that they can interact with its receptor. In fact, LSD has an even greater ability to bind to the receptor than serotonin, leading scientists to believe that there might be another molecule, made by the body, that interacts just as tightly (292).

Serotonin and psychedelics also shared a path in science discovery; LSD lead to the development of SSRI antidepressants in the 1950s (which act on 5-HT2A) (293). Franz Vollenweider discovered that serotonin and psychedelics shared the same receptor in 1988, which opened the door to new questions about neurochemistry and consciousness, and what role these molecules play in the existence of ego (293). Science struggles to link the two. As Thomas Nagel describes, “How do you explain mind—the subjective quality of experience—in terms of meat, that is, in terms of the physical structures or chemistry of the brain?” (294). Many researchers suspect that psychedelics have some relationship with consciousness but are still looking to find ways to answer those questions using valid, scientific techniques.

One of these projects is taking place at Imperial College in West London, where researchers are trying to “map the terrain of human consciousness” using psychedelics (295). The team, led by Robin Carhart-Harris, is using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), and magnetoencephalography (MEG) to do this research, looking for changes the brain during psychedelic use, giving insight to consciousness and neurobiology. This project is fairly controversial in using psychedelics and psychoanalysis, as the scientific community often debates whether psychoanalysis actually produces quantifiable data. Carhart-Harris has spent his career looking for ways to make quantifiable data and test the things that were previously thought outside the realm of science.

One of these instances was looking at cerebral brain flow and the use of psychedelics. Carhart-Harris hypothesized that blood flow would increase during a psychedelic trip, and that the brain would look like it was dreaming (300). The first set of data showed that blood flow actually decreases, which means decreases in brain activity. The measurement of oxygen consumption also reflected that. Carhart-Harris and his team also located a region of the brain—the default mode network—that had less brain activity due to psilocybin.

The default mode network (DMN) was not known until around 2001, when Marcus Raichle described it as a “critical and centrally located hub of brain activity that links parts of the cerebral cortex to the deeper (and older) structures involved in memory and cognition” (301). When our brain has low demand, our DMN lights up with activity. This is the place our minds go when they aren’t busy, to daydream, think, reflect, and worry (302). The DMN lights up when our attention-based networks are inactive, and vice versa. The DMN influences the brain in a top-down fashion, much like a manager of a company, and keeps the rest of the brain in check. Importantly to psychedelics, the DMN is home to the construct of ego (303). Carhart-Harris has seen the deepest drops in DMN activity when the subject is experiencing ego dissolution through psychedelic use.

If the DMN orchestrates the rest of the brain, then the decrease in activity would seem to signal an introduction to chaos and disorder. Carhart-Harris have seen that when the DMN is less active, the other network areas will increase in activity while on psychedelics. The DMN seems to act like a filter that keeps unneeded thoughts from clogging up the brain, but when it is turned down, those parts of the brain are allowed to interact, and you get the feeling of exploring an unconscious mind (306-7). When your brain experiences that rush of thought, it might compensate by creating hallucinations or wild conclusions (as is common with psychedelics). The brain does its best to reduce uncertainty when information is piling in and our perception of reality is changing. When sensory information is overwhelming, it tries to compensate by creating new concepts and stories (310).

Carhart-Harris proposes that early humans had a form of consciousness that was “characterized by ‘magical thinking,’” (312), with their world views shaped by fears, wishes, and the supernatural. This kind of thinking allowed them to be less uncertain about the world, but it was not best for survival. The evolution of the default mode network was a better solution to entropy and uncertainty, and it also gave rise to ego (312). This gives us distinct versions of entropic thought: high and low entropy. High entropy is characterized by “psychedelic states, psychosis, and infant consciousness, and creative thinking” (313). Low entropy states are where “rigid thinking, addiction, depression, and coma” exist (312). Carhart-Harris believe that mental disorders fall into the low-entropy category, not due to lack of order but due too much order. Over time the pathways of thinking in our brain become engrained, and the ego more controlling. Many of the symptoms of depression can be characterized as overbearing ego and repetitive thought. It could be that our default mode network works in overdrive, creating rigid structure that leads us into depression’s rumination-based state of mind.

Psychedelics do the opposite; they disrupt those ordered patterns of thought and allow entropy to creep in. Pollan writes, “Psychedelics alter consciousness by disorganizing brain activity” (314). The DMN becomes less active and allows the older, more childlike parts of our brain to reemerge. The dissolution of ego, which psychedelics enable, allows us to cast off the rigidity of ego, which can harm the way we intake and process information. High-entropy brains form new connections between parts of the brain that normally don’t interact, due to the order imposed by the DMN (316). Psychedelics bring our brains to those high-entropy, new-connectivity-based states.

This high-entropy state brings diversity of thought, heightening problem-solving, creativity, and variation in thinking (318). Many scientists and artists have said that psychedelics unlock creativity and “thinking outside the box,” which has been critical to their work. (319). Franz Vollenweider suggested that psychedelic experiences can increase neuroplasticity, by easing the rigid thought processes imposed by our DMN. Even a temporary decrease in rigidity and rewiring can help a person, especially they are suffering from mental illness. One could describe it like shaking a snow globe and introducing a bit of chaos (320).

Infancy is the first time that we all experience an entropic brain. An infant’s consciousness is vastly different than the consciousness of adults, and some researchers hypothesize that we can access that early state of consciousness through psychedelics. Alison Gopnik thinks of child consciousness not as something that is underdeveloped but rather something that is beneficial and can be sought through psychedelics, which can be a window into that previous state (325). She talks of the difference between adult and child consciousness as “spotlight consciousness” versus “lantern consciousness.” Spotlight consciousness, which adults tend to have, is very focused in and directed by ego, whereas lantern consciousness is broad and allows children to absorb all forms of information around them (325).

Younger children are also more capable of performing a “high-temperature search,” which involves devising more creative answers to problems and spending more energy searching for less likely answers (326). Adults tend to do “low-temperature searches,” which are more likely to be correct and, because such thinking strives for the most probable answer, requires less energy (326). Out of any species, human childhood is distinct because we spend so long learning, developing, and exploring the world around us. The childlike state of mind and the psychedelic state of mind are so similar that Gopnik has said, “The short summary is, babies and children are basically tripping all the time” (328).

Chapter 6 Summary: “The Trip Treatment: Psychedelics in Psychotherapy”

Earlier chapters discussed the possible psychedelic treatments for groups of people suffering from various mental states. This chapter focuses on three instances where psychedelics were used, in recent years, to treat terminal cancer patients, addiction, and depression.

The chapter first focuses on the use of psilocybin as a way to ease a terminally ill patient’s anxiety over death. Patrick Mettes was a volunteer for New York University’s psilocybin cancer trial, which studied how psychedelic experiences affect depression and anxiety over terminal diagnoses. Mettes was guided by Tony Bossis and Stephen Ross, who helped to direct the trial as well (332). This trial, a sister trail to Roland Griffiths’s study, also looked to pick up the research that was lost in the 1970s.

In 2010 Mettes learned that his cancer had progressed and become terminal. In that same year he saw an article in the New York Times about research being done at New York University, using psilocybin to treat end-of-life anxiety in cancer patients. He immediately called and requested to volunteer.

On the day of his trial Mettes was given flight instructions for his trip and asked to state his intentions. He said that he wanted to “learn to cope better with the anxiety and depression he felt about his cancer and to work on what he called his ‘regret in life’” (340). Shortly after he was given the psychedelic and launched into his journey. He felt as if he was launched by a rocket into space (341). Mettes saw family members who had died of cancer, and they acted as a tour guide through the experience. Mettes felt as if he was being reborn; this feeling translated into physicality, and he moved his knees as if he was actually giving birth. The rest of his journey was filled with love and compassion, which “seemed to emanate from a single point of light…and it vibrated…I could feel my physical body trying to vibrate in unity with the cosmos” (342). In that moment love was the only thing that mattered to him.

Mettes then found himself traveling through his body and to his lungs, where he saw two spots (343). He felt as if he was being told not to worry about the cancer, as there were more important things than “an imperfection of [his] humanity” (343). His trip ended with a moment in death. He found that he was not quite ready to die yet, as he still had a bit of work to do, but he would be ready when the time came. In a follow-up session after his trip, Patrick Mettes seemed like a completely different person, one who found more time to meditate and better live in the present moment. He felt as if he loved his wife and the people around him even more, and reported feeling the happiest he had felt in his entire life (347).

Mettes lived for 17 months after his experience, and that time was filled with happiness and acceptance of death. He came away from the experience feeling that he still had things to do, love, and care for. His wife said he had increased patience and joy that he didn’t have prior to his trip. In his final days, his biggest sadness wasn’t that he was going to die, but that he was leaving his wife. Even so, “he was not afraid” (357).

The NYU trial determined that 80% of the cancer patients showed reduced anxiety and depression, with the relief of their symptoms corresponding to the intensity of their psychedelic journey. In a follow-up study that interviewed patients about their experiences, every patient described feeling more connected to their loved ones and more interconnected with the world (351). This feeling was accompanied by “joy, bliss, and love” (352).

The existential anxiety and depression that a person can experience when confronted with the end of their life is very similar to the way a rigid brain creates obsessive thought patterns and negative thinking (353). Psilocybin can diminish ego for a short while and allow new thought patterns, which tended to create a sense death and rebirth for the cancer patients. Another common theme was the overwhelming sense of love for people in their lives and the world around them. This allowed most patients to live their final days with less anxiety and more intention.

The chapter next talks about using psychedelics to treat addiction. Matthew Johnson, a protégé of Roland Griffiths, took on a smoking cessation study to see if psychedelics could help curb addictions that resisted other treatment methods. Though his initial pilot study was small and not randomized, it still had incredible results. Six months following their psychedelic experience, “80 percent of the volunteers were confirmed as abstinent; at the one-year mark, that figure had fallen to 67 percent, which is still a better rate of success than the best treatment now available” (361).

Many of the volunteers took away very simple and mundane insights rather than grandiose spiritual ones. One volunteer concluded that “everything in the universe is of equal importance, including yourself,” which make smoking seem “kind of stupid” to her (362). She has not smoked since this experience. Another volunteer found that smoking was irrelevant, and that “other things had become so much more important” to him (363). One volunteer even saw herself as a smoking gargoyle, which she found disturbing. That image stuck with her enough to keep her from smoking when cravings arose (364).

Most smokers are aware that their habit is not healthy or helpful, but it isn’t until they have their psilocybin experience that this knowing takes on a new weight and becomes influential. It gives them a chance to see the short- and long-term impacts of smoking, and gives them more authority over their addiction (364).

Using psychedelics to treat addiction has been around for generations, as Native Americans used peyote as a treatment for alcoholism. Thousands of people were treated with LSD for their alcohol abuse in the 1950s and ’60s, during the first wave of research (368). It wasn’t very clear what the definitive results of the studies were, but a 2012 analysis of the best six studies previously done showed that psychedelics had a statistically significant impact on curbing alcohol abuse (369). The authors concluded, “Given the evidence for a beneficial effect of LSD on alcoholism […] it is puzzling why this treatment has been largely overlooked” (369).

Finally, the chapter looks at using psychedelics to treat depression. When Roland Griffiths hoped to get more funding for psilocybin clinical trials, he found that the FDA also asked them to expand their focus into testing whether psilocybin could be used to treat depression, especially the variety that was classified as treatment resistant.

Robin Carhart-Harris directed a small study in the use of psilocybin to treat depression and found that in a population of 12 (without a control group), “all of the volunteers showed improvement in their symptoms, and two-thirds of them were depression-free, in some cases for the first time in years” (376). The study was then expanded to 20 volunteers; six remained in remission after 6 months, and the rest relapsed to a degree, which suggests that the treatment may need to be administered more than once (376-77).

Two main themes emerged from these studies. The first was that majority of volunteers saw their depression as a disconnect from people, themselves, feelings, senses, and their beliefs (377). After their psychedelic treatment, one volunteer said, “It was like a holiday away from the prison of my brain. I felt free, carefree, reenergized” (378). Another volunteer mentioned that their mind worked entirely differently after the experience, and they found themselves overthinking less. Many also reconnected with themselves, feeling more like they used to before depression overwhelmed them (378).

The second main theme was the volunteers’ ability to access emotions that were tucked away or dampened down. For many people, depression represses painful emotions because feeling them is too much to handle. Psychedelics allowed many of the volunteers to confront those emotions, helping to relieve the weight of unaddressed trauma (380).

It’s important to remember that these studies have not been shown to work in larger populations, and that these successes aren’t proof of psychedelic drugs’ effectiveness as treatment, though they do indicate trends that prove there is something to be studied. The fact that psychedelics can impact such a wide range of mental disorders also suggests there are connections between the disorders and how they impact our brain (382). Some scientists have even used this trend to build a unified theory of mental illness. The idea is that there “is a common mechanism underlying addiction, depression, anxiety, mania, and obsession,” and that “these disorders involve learned habits of negative thinking and behavior that hijack our attention and traps us in loops of self-reflection” (383-84). Psychedelics have helped shed light on the underlying mechanisms that impact multiple mental disorders, and that information could become critical to developing new treatments and therapies.

Epilogue Summary: “In Praise of Neural Diversity”

In 2017 the Oakland Convention Center for Psychedelic Science became a hub for the international psychedelic community and many psychedelic organizations. The six-day convention brought scientists, shamans, therapists, and entrepreneurs together to hear more about the current boom in psychedelic research (398). One of the most memorable panels was called “The future of Psychedelic Psychiatry,” which featured Paul Summergrad, MD (former head of the American Psychiatric Association) and Tom Insel, MD (former head of the National Institute of Mental Health) (398). The panel made it clear to all attendees that there was “recognition of psychedelic therapy by the mental health establishment” (399). The two also warned that while there was a lot of promise, there were also several issues with scientific rigor and safety that could pose challenges.

The medicalization of psychedelic therapy will not be an easy road, as drug testing faces many regulatory hurdles during the clinical trial process. There is also the issue of funding, as many pharmaceutical companies will not be able to make money on the drug, as psilocybin comes from nature and the LSD patent is expired (400). On top of that, pharmaceutical companies are less likely to invest in drugs that aren’t used for chronic conditions or taken every day (400). Most people who hope to see psychedelic therapy become more commonplace also recognize the need for trained psychedelic guides, who perhaps have board certification, to help people make sense of their experiences and ensure a good trip.

Today’s cultural landscape is also quite different from the first wave of psychedelics, with people being more openminded and willing to talk about death, cancer, depression, and other mental illnesses. Rick Doblin notes that psychedelics are commonly known because of that first wave of psychedelic research, and perhaps this is the “true legacy of Timothy Leary” (403). As Doblin observes, “There would be no second wave if Leary hadn’t turned on a whole generation” (403). While Leary was partly responsible for ending a generation of psychedelic research, he was just as responsible for bringing psychedelics into common public knowledge.

As for Pollan, his experiences in writing this book have left him with the opinion that psychedelics shouldn’t be outright legalized but made available for people to take with the experience of a trained guide, just as he did (405). He also found value in exploring new states of mind, which allow a person to see their normal daily experience in a new light. The ordinary experience begins to seem less ordinary, and has more to offer, when compared to a unordinary experience.

Pollan clarifies that although he had these experiences, he hasn’t become a highly spiritual or transcendent person. Rather, his experience “opened a door to a specific mode of consciousness” that he can return to in his meditative practice (408). Overall, his experience with psychedelics, his research into psychedelic treatment, and his conversations with experts led him to conclude that there is more to the headspace that we normally exist in than most people suspect. In closing, he writes, “I can say with certainty: the mind is vaster, and the world ever so much more alive, than I knew when I began” (414).

Chapter 5-Epilogue Analysis

The default mode network was a critical discovery that changed the way people view consciousness, mental illness, and psychedelics. The DMN allows us to make connections between debilitating thought patterns and ego, with the same patterns that occur with people suffering from mental illnesses. Psychedelics help us to further understand those connections by allowing researchers to dampen the DMN to look more clearly at the changes in thought patterns, both on a neurological and a personal level, after the volunteer has their experience. The DMN discovery bolstered the concept of ego and ego dissolution that was emerged during the first wave of psychedelic research.

Psychedelics help us better understand how patterns of thoughts arise and how those thought patterns can become damaging. The lack of chaos, the strict lines of thought, can cause debilitating mental illness, but psychedelics can erase those patterns for a small period of time. That small time can have long-term effects.

Research has led researchers to think there might be more connections between different mental illnesses than previously thought, because they all have symptoms of repetitive, ruminating, and unmoving thought patterns. Whether that means psychedelics are the answer to all these disorders is not known or even thought to be the case. But psychedelics do present researches with a potential therapeutic method worth studying.

To do that, science must consider ideas of spirituality to understand the true depths of change that psychedelics have to offer. As discussed previously, science cannot yet quantify or qualify how authentic a spiritual experience is, so researchers must lean on phenomenon and personal experience. This creates difficulties when scientists are attempting to craft their studies, because they need variables, controls, and quantifiable data—and the psychedelic experience and treatment doesn’t always allow for those. Consequently, psychedelic research must be a joint effort between two fields that are normally at odds: science and spirituality. And for the most part, scientists are still chipping away at how to best run and analyze their studies, while maintaining scientific rigor and respect for the spiritual experience.

At the same time, pharmaceutical companies don’t want to invest in products that won’t turn a profit. Because LSD and psilocybin would be periodic treatments, not daily, they would have limited profit potential. Psychedelic treatment also goes against current medicinal and therapeutic tactics used to treat mental illness. Changing those patterns will be just as difficult as changing the thought patterns in our minds.

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