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Émile ZolaA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Antisemitism (prejudice or bias against Jewish people) has occurred throughout history. The Dreyfus Affair is considered a significant example of the institutional and widespread antisemitism that existed in France during the Third Republic.
A notable piece of antisemitic literature was La France Juvie, French for “Jewish France,” a 1,200-page manifesto written against the Jewish people of France by Edouard Drumont in 1886. Virulently antisemitic, this publication became a bestseller. Drumont made deeply racist claims and supported the oppression of Jewish people. His work was in large part an unfounded conspiracy theory, asserting that Jewish people controlled French commerce. He also caused religious division by renewing the established antisemitic trope that the Jewish people were responsible for the death of Jesus Christ. Drumont was a founding member of the Antisemitic League of France, which organized riots during the Dreyfus Affair. Neither Drumont’s publications nor organizations were illegal at the time, reflecting social attitudes in France.
Zola addresses the role of rampant antisemitism in the Dreyfus Affair head on, writing that “the ‘dirty Jew’ obsession […] is the scourge of our time” (14). Zola, a liberal intellectual who openly discredited antisemitism, directly calls out the harmful tropes that Drumont and others were espousing in the press and across society. French Jewish people were depicted as inferior to non-Jewish French people, and the “dirty Jew” obsession that Zola exposes here refers not only to the harmful and false image of Jewish people as “racially unclean,” but also as disloyal to their country: This was the core allegation that Dreyfus faced.
Before and during the Dreyfus Affair, a number of antisemitic newspapers arose, which Zola makes reference to. In the conclusion, during his list of accusations against the parties he deems guilty, he writes, “I accuse the offices of the War Office of having used the press, particularly L’Éclair and L’Echo de Paris, to conduct an abominable campaign to mislead public opinion and cover up their own wrongdoing” (36). Zola outright names the newspapers that published antisemitic content and fomented anti-Dreyfusard sentiment. This highlights how antisemitism was so embedded in society that newspapers could publish racist content and hate speech without fear of consequence. Standing against this publicly, Zola calls out “odious anti-Semitism that, unchecked, will destroy the freedom-loving France of the Rights of Man” (26). Zola directly equates the morality and reputation of the French nation with its attitudes toward Jewish people. France, so newly established as a democracy rooted in Lockean principles, was fragile during this time period, and Zola worried that democracy and freedom would be in danger if various ideologies of hatred were to rise further.
The pervasiveness of antisemitism in 1890s France is also clear in Zola’s description of Lieutenant Colonel Picquart. Picquart was accused of fabricating evidence against Esterhazy in his attempt to prove Esterhazy’s guilt, as he believed Dreyfus to be innocent. Zola writes, “The best part of it is that Picquart was himself an anti-Semite. Yes!” (20). Antisemitism was so widespread throughout France that Picquart held antisemitic sentiments despite seeking to disprove the false accusations against Dreyfus. Here, Zola uses the weakness of antisemitic “argument” against Dreyfus’s detractors, showing that the evidence of his innocence is stronger than even the discrimination he faces.
Nationalism and militarism are two issues that Zola expresses concern about in the context of the Dreyfus Affair. A key aspect of the trial was the closed nature of the court martial which was not subject to the same checks and balances as a civilian court process. Dreyfus, as a soldier, was not tried in the same court system as civilians. In the court martial at the time, a military judge or judges (high-ranking military officers, not trained judges) made the decision about guilt and the defendant was not entitled to the same assistance, rights, and disclosure as a civilian citizen. Evidentiary standards were also different in the military court. Zola examines how that system was easily corrupted by other members of the military to cover up the truth. Zola writes, “General Billot directed the judges in his preliminary remarks, and they proceeded to judgment as they would to battle, unquestioningly” (23). The French army’s commitment to protecting itself over the pursuit of justice disturbs Zola deeply, as he writes, “So they rendered an iniquitous verdict that will forever weigh upon our courts martial and will henceforth cast a shadow of suspicion on all their decrees” (24). With the conduct during the Dreyfus Affair, the military tribunals and court martials would be viewed as untrustworthy, further dividing the civilian and military spheres and shrouding the military justice process further from public scrutiny.
Nationalism is another matter that Zola explores. The line between patriotism and nationalism can be a thin one; patriotism is a love of one’s country, but nationalism is when one’s patriotism becomes so extreme that one seeks to cause detrimental effects to other nations, or to divide people into “true” and “untrue” citizens. Nationalism intersects with antisemitism in J’Accuse…!, as many of the antisemitic sentiments find their roots in nationalism, especially the idea that Jewish people cannot be loyal to their nation. Zola makes this intersection clear, writing “It is a crime to exploit patriotism in the service of hatred, and it is, finally, a crime to ensconce the sword as the modern god, whereas all science is toiling to achieve the coming era of truth and justice” (26). The image of the sword stands in for the military throughout this letter, and Zola warns against deifying the military and placing it on a pedestal above reproach. He also argues that the military has used patriotism as an excuse for their antisemitic persecution of Dreyfus, as the “hatred” that he refers to is clearly antisemitism and the “dirty Jew” stereotype that Dreyfus was the victim of. Zola draws a line between nationalism, the patriotism fueled by this hatred, and true, just patriotism. He appeals to President Felix Faure, asking, “Where is that truly strong, judiciously patriotic administration that will dare to clean house and start afresh?” (25). Zola calls to the Faure administration to reign in the militarism and nationalism that had run rampant since the German annexation of Alsace and Moselle during the Franco-Prussian War.
While the Dreyfus Affair was an internal issue for France, it had ramifications outside of the country. Zola displays a firm understanding that the French government’s handling of the Dreyfus Affair would affect their standing on the world stage as a fledgling democracy. In his opening, in which he establishes President Felix Faure as his audience, he writes, “You are radiant in the patriotic glory of our country’s alliance with Russia, you are about to preside over the solemn triumph of our World Fair, the jewel that crowns this great century of Labor, Truth, and Liberty” (2). He aligns Faure with patriotism, which is another important theme in his argument, but also mentions the World Fair, an event in which many people traveled to France from across the globe to witness an exhibition of new inventions and various achievements from a number of nations. He is subtly reminding Faure that the eyes of the world, if they are not already, shall soon be upon France. How Faure and France handle the Dreyfus Affair will be witnessed by the world.
Zola also argues that the Dreyfusards “wish to see a generous France take her place as leader of all the free and just nations,” further aligning Dreyfus’s cause with the notions of justice and democracy (26). At the time of the Dreyfus Affair, France had only been a democracy for approximately 30 years since the end of the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of Napoleon III. Democracy was steadily growing in the Western world as an increasingly established system of government; France’s journey toward democracy since the Revolution of 1789-1799 was not a straightforward progression but rather one of tumult, political experiments, and various governance structures, some based on monarchy or military rule. By the 1890s, the Third Republic was established as a partial democracy (i.e., voting rights were based on sex and status) but Zola had valid concerns about the potential of the military taking control over aspects of the government, or perhaps the government in its entirety, which would damage France’s reputation in the global political sphere and the rights of its citizens. Zola shows that he wants France to be an exemplar of democracy and the ideals of justice but argues that it cannot be while the army uses a court martial to trample over Dreyfus’s rights and the justice that he deserved as a French citizen. France cannot lead or be equal to other democratic nations if it itself cannot value and protect the ideals of justice and freedom that uphold democracy.
By Émile Zola
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