47 pages • 1 hour read
Gail BedermanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Throughout Manliness and Civilization, the central division that exists is between white Anglo-Saxon upper- and middle-class American men and everyone else who did not fit within the specific parameters of that definition. Manhood, as it is described and explored by Bederman, is only truly applicable to this elite but relatively large section of the population from 1880-1917. These men were experiencing social and economic shifts, which they interpreted as potential threats to their prowess and influence, yet they wielded, and continued to wield, more power than any other group in the nation. The Anglo-Saxon distinction excluded European men who did not hail from regions considered eugenically desirable, including many immigrants, and those who were not aligned with the Protestant denomination of Christian belief. It also excluded men diagnosed with mental illness, physical disabilities, chronic illnesses, and who embraced lifestyle choices outside of the parameters of socially acceptable practice. Working class men were considered impervious to neurasthenia because they were thought to be made of separate stock, their genetic makeup designed to withstand the rigors of grueling physical labor. Therefore, they were not eligible for the distinction of “civilized,” as this class distinction carried with it the burden of potential burnout affiliated with the stress and rigors of pursuing a white collar profession.
The exclusivity of this group also allowed these men to begin pursuing a life of leisure, exploring hobbies and avocations outside of their professional identities, a privilege only those in certain socioeconomic brackets could afford. While they might not be able to amass the type of wealth their father and grandfathers had amassed by owning their own businesses, these men still had the time and resources to enjoy their free time in ways that those in lower socioeconomic brackets could not. Though the parameters by which their execution of the changing expectations might have been shifting, these men were never in doubt of their identity as men. Their rights under the law were protected and guaranteed, their statues acknowledged by their peers and those below them on the rungs of the social ladder. As the population of the United States grew, this group became even more exclusive as cultural, economic, and racial divisions reinforced some as men and others as less than. The biological distinction of being male did not with it carry the same authority, relevance, and social privilege enjoyed by the men in this category.
Throughout the text white middle-class Anglo-Saxon male attitudes toward women and people of color fluctuate, generally in proportion to how diligently and deferentially these individuals follow the code of expectations placed on them by those men. As feminists like Charlotte Perkins Gilman began to demand equal participation outside the home and defy the expected life progression from wife to mother, men who might otherwise extoll the virtues of women as sweet, virtuous defenders of hearth and home can be seen to devolve into aggressive, primitive brutes who allude to their willingness and perhaps eagerness to put women back in their designated place if they decide to step outside the bounds set for them and in which white middle-class Anglo-Saxon men were comfortable corralling them.
The same can be said for the intention to contain men and women of color. Perceptions of these individuals varied between romanticizing and fearmongering in the narratives they constructed about those whose cultures and values they did not understand. People of color were either children who required protection, intervention, and management by white Americans acting on their behalf, or they possessed aspects of primitive, barbaric characterization that was romanticized as essential by white people yet considered a source of anxiety and a threat to white men, particularly in the case of the fictional “negro rapist” created during the South’s reconstruction period.
Taking this romanticization further, middle-class men wanted to maintain and reintegrate savage, primitive values into their conception of themselves but not to an extent so great they lost their civilized superiority. They saw Indigenous peoples and people of color in their community as examples of earlier iterations of their own evolutionary process. These people were stagnant in a status they had already evolved past, and in these values and aspects they shared with them they embraced the aspects of themselves they did not want to abandon. When they became a threat, however, as in the case of the Indigenous American tribes Roosevelt insisted should be conquered and subjugated, their value plummeted as these individuals exercised their autonomy and were no longer a screen upon which white men could project their own visions of a stereotypical savage adversary. When these individuals offered resistance in their attempts to preserve their way of live and defend their communities, they became the villains in literal and metaphorical hero’s tales, foils against which white men could test their mettle and reinforce their senses of self-worth and confirm their virility, even if only vicariously through the written works of others.
Civilization functioned for white middle-class Americans as both a confirmation of their position as highly evolved, racially advanced beings and an oppressive establishment under which they could wither as casualties of the neurasthenic reaction. By being civilized and the descendants of and heirs to those who created the legacy of civilization and the legacy itself, they had unwittingly steered themselves onto a course they suddenly felt unequipped to navigate.
Without discovering how to respond, they would risk crumpling under the weight of their own prowess as each individual tried to reconcile his sense of self with the external expectations of him. When Edwardian men began to eschew the Victorian principals of gentility and civility they no longer felt were in line with their new ideals, their response was a rational rejection of values that no longer served to benefit them in the new era they were navigating. They had lost the essential features they believed would ensure their survival and further progress. As middle-class white men began to explore activities traditionally reserved for the working-class, they found an outlet through which they could develop and hone the more primitive, unrefined traits that would help them to mount their defenses against neurasthenia and the frustrations of finding their place in their changing spheres.
The authors featured in Manliness and Civilization agreed in the broadest sense that over-civilization was responsible for the emerging threats to manhood but identified disparate social problems facing manhood relative to their own value systems. Their explanations of how civilization bore responsibility for these problems were also derived from their own theoretical and philosophical orientations. No matter the explanation any individual middle-class white man might accept, there was a pervasive acceptance of civilization as a benefit and a hindrance. Hall and Roosevelt agreed that a concerted effort to render men more robust and assertive was a protective measure that would allow them to achieve the ultimate goal, which was to allow civility and virility to coexist.
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