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52 pages 1 hour read

Joy-Ann Reid

Medgar & Myrlie: Medgar Evers and the Love Story that Awakened America

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2024

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Chapters 3-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Emmett Till”

Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death and racism, including racist violence and the Jim Crow era.

By 1954, Evers was determined to apply to the University of Mississippi Law School, drawing on the historical Brown v. Board of Education decision that banned segregation. His efforts to enroll in the university made him known to the public. However, white politicians and business owners impeded such attempts at integration. Several Black people who signed petitions for integration lost their businesses. As Reid notes, Mississippi maintained a “strict caste system” premised on “the economic facts of the slave era” and enforced by the “planter class” (66). 

Evers’s plans changed after he was appointed as a field secretary for the NAACP. The family would move to Jackson, Mississippi. Williams spent time with her mother while Evers was working. As her mother talked about the dangers of being a Black woman in the South, where Black men could not protect their families from violence, Williams increasingly understood her husband’s determination to fight the status quo.

In Jackson, Evers investigated several murders before news broke of Emmett Till’s disappearance in August 1955. Till had moved to Mississippi from Chicago and was abducted by a group of white men following a dubious accusation that he had whistled at a white woman. Till’s body was later found mutilated in the Tallahatchie River. Despite his own distress, which Williams noticed and would later recall, Evers worked to convince Black people to testify in court and sought to draw press attention to the issue. He also helped people who testified to escape to the North after the trial. When the two white men accused of the crime were acquitted, the Black community was outraged, and demonstrations erupted nationwide. In this way, Till’s murder sparked “a wave of activism” in the South (79). Evers, for example, founded a youth council in the NAACP that would be the “bedrock” of future civil rights activists.

Till’s murder greatly impacted Evers, who would often mention it to convey the terrorism that Black people experienced. Members of the NAACP were relentlessly targeted, including Evers’s brother, who lost his job and ultimately migrated to Chicago. At this time, Evers and Williams were both working at the NAACP field office, with Williams working as Evers’s secretary, while also raising their children.

Chapter 4 Summary: “The House on Guynes Street”

Evers and Williams moved to a house on Guynes Street designed to offer security to the family. They often hosted civil rights activists and celebrities at their home. There, Williams had a social life amid the struggles of her husband’s activism. They built a stable family life with their children even as Evers explained the reality of racism and his activism to them as they grew up. Even though the family was in danger and feared attacks, Williams and Evers’s relationship remained deep and loving, with Evers affirming that his work was motivated by his love for their family.

Black people on Guynes Street were initially anxious that the Evers family might bring unrest to their community. However, the family formed friendships with their neighbors as Evers continued to discuss social issues with the community, informing them about the NAACP and urging them to register and vote.

Evers worked to “nourish Black resistance” in Mississippi (89), attracting new members to the NACCP and increasing the number of voting registrations. However, the Black middle class, particularly schoolteachers threatened with firing and poor Black sharecroppers who feared the KKK, resisted Evers’s prompts to join the NAACP and register, respectively. Simultaneously, young Black students were joining the movement, impatient for change. Evers allied with them, focusing on “direct action”; he disagreed with NAACP members who believed that the struggle for civil rights would be a legal battle and continued to coordinate field offices and youth councils. He also met Martin Luther King, Jr., during this period.

Williams enjoyed some time at home, spending time with her children and neighbors. Still, the family was under pressure, knowing that they were being watched. A “Sovereignty Commission” controlled by the governor was formed to spy on civil rights activists, though its existence was unknown at the time. Both white and Black informants participated in the commission. 

Evers himself also worked with interracial groups, launching a newspaper to promote equality and the freedom struggle. Despite the community’s fears, Evers continued to push for direct action, aspiring to adopt King’s activist strategies. When the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and other groups arrived in Mississippi, Evers coordinated their activities to achieve integration in education. When James Meredith, a veteran and activist, was rejected by the University of Mississippi, Evers saw a new opportunity to integrate the institution.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Mississippi Freedom”

After Meredith sued the university for his rejection, Evers prepared him to speak to the public and the press. The first sit-in protest in Mississippi soon followed, as well as marches and class boycotts by university students. Evers also supported arrested students and citizens. 

At home, Evers and Williams were troubled. Evers was spending long hours away from home, with Williams feeling like a “single mother” and becoming “resentful.” They reached a point of “frustrated violence” as they hit each other during one of their frequent arguments. After the incident, Williams left home and went to her grandmother’s house. Evers followed her, accompanied by the director of the NAACP, who tried to convince her of Evers’s love for her and the significance of their marriage. The couple returned home, agreeing that they should change. Williams “chose love,” staying with Evers and remaining supportive while praying for his life. As threats against the family continued, Williams focused on their children’s safety. 

Evers clashed with NAACP leaders who wanted him to work on voting registrations and court battles. Civil rights leaders protested police brutality and hoped that the Kennedy administration would support them. As President John F. Kennedy ordered investigations into voting barriers in Mississippi, Evers spoke with the FBI, reporting incidents of police violence and the harassment he experienced. Despite this, the government did not protect him. Reid notes that neither political party was “interested in Black lives” and that the Kennedy administration did not fervently pursue civil rights (119). 

As Evers became resentful of the NAACP’s opposition to direct action, he offered specific propositions about desegregation and increasing jobs for Black people while demanding the implementation of integration laws. Meanwhile, young activists continued their work, and sit-in protests spread in Jackson. The SNCC offered workshops to attract more citizens to the Freedom Rides, revealing the tensions between young activists and the NAACP, who felt that the activists were being too confrontational. Despite his own reservations about the Freedom Riders, Evers supported young activists across organizations.

As demonstrations continued, civil rights activists, including Evers, were invited to the White House, where President Kennedy committed to taking action. Evers was tired of the clash between civil rights organizations, concluding that cooperation was necessary for the cause due to the minimal progress that had been made in voting registrations. The Council of Federated Organizations was founded to “coordinate” civil rights organizations and was soon targeted by extremist groups. Soon, Williams and Evers experienced new threats.

Chapters 3-5 Analysis

Reid focuses on Emmett Till as a symbol of the racist violence and injustices faced by Black people in the South, illustrating that his case was a catalyst for the civil rights movement. The story of his lynching by a mob of white men creates vivid imagery of the racist environment in Mississippi and reinforces the significance of Evers’s work. Reid analogizes lynching and Nazism to emphasize the brutality of Till’s death and to underscore the sources of Evers’s commitment to the civil rights movement, reiterating the contradiction of fighting “to liberate Europe from Nazism only to countenance an American version of the same ideology at home” (72). 

Reid also connects Till’s case to The Impact of Grassroots Activism on the Civil Rights Movement, discussing Evers’s direct participation in the investigations that publicized the incident. As such, she demonstrates Evers’s crucial role in the struggle against institutional racism. While an all-white male jury acquitted the two defendants, Evers’s community mobilization helped establish direct-action protests as a means of demanding justice from the authorities and “penalizing” the culprits. Till’s murder was also a catalyst in the emergence of youth activism, of which Reid highlights Evers’s ties to throughout the work. Evers became a “natural organizer” of youth efforts, establishing youth councils and paving the way for later developments in the movement.

Reid’s analysis of Evers’s activist strategies demonstrates the historical complexities of the civil rights movement, including the movement’s internal conflicts concerning strategies, tactics, and goals. She discusses the context of Evers’s work as an NAACP field officer to indicate his radical approach to activism—one focused on direct action, the self-determination of the Black community, and youth militancy. In this, he confronted the “resistance” of the Black middle and working classes, who were afraid of “financial retribution” and the violence of extremist groups and consequently preferred less confrontational tactics. Evers’s clash with NAACP officials also demonstrates ideological differences—specifically, Evers’s awareness of institutional racism. For Evers, court battles could not be the ultimate means of seeking justice, as the legal system would not guarantee Black people’s rights. Nevertheless, if Evers’s activism sometimes echoed or anticipated the Black Power movement, interracial coalitions were crucial to his ideology. Evers strived to foster unity and cooperation across racial divides, coordinating diverse groups to ensure a communal path in the struggle for social justice. In all of this, Reid presents Evers’s story as representative of the civil rights era but not reducible to it; he emerges as a distinct individual whose beliefs cannot easily be pigeonholed.

Reid’s tone alternates between optimism and sorrow as she conveys the couple’s hopes and struggles while navigating their personal and social lives. Describing Ever and Williams’s relocation to Jackson, she notes that “[i]t was a wonderful, terrible time” (85). The joy stemmed in part from Williams’s excitement over creating a “social life”; she was “gaining in confidence” as their family connected to the community (87). At the same time, Reid emphasizes the personal cost of the couple’s involvement in the struggle, noting that Williams’s “patience faltered” as the “pressure” of Evers’s activism threatened to unsettle their family life (96). Reid uses a direct quote from Williams to convey her agony while also foreshadowing Evers’s tragic death: “I knew that if he continued to pursue civil rights justice and equality, and certainly at that time, that his life would be taken from him. And I could not imagine life without Medgar” (85). Reid’s shifts in tone create tension around the two figures and seek to elicit compassion for their struggle. Simultaneously, Reid’s tone highlights how Black activists like Williams and Evers oscillated between hope and despair at the time.

That mixture of joy and despair also intertwines with Reid’s exploration of The Power of Love and the Struggle for Social Justice. Reid appeals to pathos as she describes the growing tension in Evers and Williams’s relationship, culminating in an incident of “frustrated violence” that illustrates the emotional impact of their struggle. However, Williams’s statements on this time emphasize triumph over tragedy, presenting love as a catalyst that helped her and Evers transcend the turmoil of their social context: “The time came around to make a decision. You stay, or you leave. Darn it, love is such a funny thing. I chose love, and I stayed” (116). Williams’s diction—particularly her use of a mild expletive—suggests her awareness of her own sacrifice, implying that she was compelled to stay almost despite herself. Nevertheless, the very next sentence emphasizes her agency, as she claimed a social role alongside her life as a mother and wife.

In her discussion of Williams’s life, Reid thus continues to indicate The Crucial Role of Black Women in the Civil Rights Struggle. As she navigated the crisis between her and Evers, Williams found support in the women of her family. Much as Williams supported her husband in the civil rights struggle, Reid suggests, the support of other women was crucial in allowing Williams to perform that work. Moreover, Williams’s conversations with her mother about Black women’s experiences reinforced her ideological commitment to Evers’s work by highlighting “the ravages and dangers of being a Black girl and woman” (67). Alongside Evers, and despite constant terror, Williams worked on community building, demonstrating her skills as an organizer and laying the foundations for her future work.

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