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Frederick DouglassA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The composition of what became known as the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass—what Douglass describes as his “pamphlet”—in the spring of 1845 led him to go to England to escape possible risk. While attempting to buy a ticket on the Cumbria, a ship on the Cunard line, Douglass’s friend, James N. Buffum, told him that he could not travel in the first-class cabin with the others. Instead, he would have to ride in the second-class cabin. While Douglass’s friends were outraged, he was unfazed. His friends asked him to visit them on the saloon deck and Douglass sometimes obliged, but he largely kept to his own section of the ship. Passengers from New Orleans and Georgia did not like the fact that he was going to speak and threatened to throw him overboard, leading to the stern intervention of Captain Judkins who ordered the arrest of the troublemakers. At this announcement, the Southern mob scampered and behaved themselves for the remainder of the voyage. After landing in Liverpool, the offended men went to the press with their complaint, which was a mistake. Their announcement not only brought them public censure but also ensured Douglass a larger audience.
In a letter to Garrison, written in January 1846, Douglass described his experiences in Ireland, where he disembarked. He expressed his admiration for America’s beauty but his outrage at its commitment to injustice. In Ireland, which he had traveled extensively by this time, meeting all kinds of people, he felt like any other man walking its streets. The Irish seemed to know nothing of the racism that was prevalent in the United States.
Douglass divided his time between England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, lecturing in large towns and cities throughout the British Isles. In England, groups raised funds to ensure Douglass’s freedom. Some of his abolitionist friends, however, took offense that he had consented to the offer, which suggested an acknowledgment of his being property. Douglass’s abolitionist friends in England also encouraged him to remain in the country, offering to set him up. He insisted, however, on returning to the US to help those who remained in bondage. He consented to the offer to pay for his freedom because he had become too notorious to avoid recapture. American newspapers, both in the North and the South, expressed surprise that someone “so illiterate and insignificant” aroused so much interest and sympathy in England (371).
In his speeches, Douglass asserted, his intention was never to turn the English against Americans—a point that he made in a letter to Horace Greeley. Four matters helped him present the problem of American enslavement to the British public: the announcement about Douglass’s attack on the Cambria; the Free Church of Scotland’s acceptance of money from enslavers and traders of enslaved people; the Evangelical Alliance’s inclusion of enslavers; and the Worlds Temperance Convention, where Douglass clashed with some clergymen. As for the Free Church, it kept the money gained from enslaving people but aroused the anti-enslavement sympathies of the Scottish people. The Evangelical Alliance was an attempt to unionize all of the world’s evangelical Christians. There were 60 or 70 American clergymen in attendance, including Reverend Samuel Hanson Cox, the moderator of the New School Presbyterian General Assembly. Cox not only made bitter remarks against Douglass at the convention but also published a letter in American newspapers denouncing him. Douglass replied to the reverend and got a very respectful hearing before the British people.
Douglass also noticed that more people became interested in hearing him narrate his story. He began to think that his British abolitionist friends should give him the means of printing his own paper, devoted to the cause of other enslaved Black Americans. Part of Douglass’s motivation was to disprove the assumption of Black people’s natural inferiority. By operating his own press, his labors could speak to “the mental energies of the race itself” (380). Douglass made these points to his friends, in addition to reminding them that there was no newspaper published by Black Americans. As a result of his arguments, they raised $2,500 for his paper.
In the spring of 1847, Douglass returned to the US. While boarding the Cambria again, he found that one of the ship’s agents had given the berth that Douglass purchased to someone else and forbade him from entering the saloon. This news, too, got to the British press, and the public condemned these actions. The owner of the shipping line, Samuel Cunard, wrote a letter to the newspapers expressing regret over the matter and promising that nothing like it would ever occur again on one of his ships.
By the time Douglass returned to the US, his friends in Boston got wind of his intentions to start a newspaper. They opposed it for the following reasons: They found the paper unnecessary; they believed it would interfere with his work as a lecturer; they found him better fitted to speaking than writing; and they did not think the paper would succeed. Out of respect for these men, Douglass nearly abandoned the project. After all, other newspapers by and about Black people came from those far more educated than he. Though he was only nine years out of enslavement and felt, in many ways, only nine years old, Douglass persisted, encouraged by his English friends. The paper ended up a success with 3,000 subscribers and was published regularly for nearly eight years.
Douglass moved to Rochester, New York, to operate his paper so as not to interfere with the Liberator and the Anti-Slavery Standard. The first break with the Boston abolitionists came four years before he wrote this book. Douglass asserted that the Constitution was an anti-enslavement document, a statement with which his friends disagreed.
Another matter that Douglass suggests as a point of contention was the overwhelming color prejudice among white Americans. Douglass noticed the abolitionists struggling against this prejudice, though they had been raised to fear Black men and the railroads had established separate cars for Black passengers in the 1830s. Douglass himself refused to sit in “the Jim Crow car,” and his refusal led to his often being dragged out of his seat “by conductors and brakemen” (390). This rail company, however, frequently allowed enslavers to travel with their enslaved people undisturbed. After some political intervention, New England abolished Jim Crow cars.
In the summer of 1843, Douglass traveled with William A. White, Esquire through Indiana, which was not very hospitable to Black Americans. However, Douglass encountered an aversion to his color in many places. Once, while riding in a crowded railcar from Boston to Albany, he noticed that the seat beside his remained empty. Passengers reached the vacant place and “cast a disdainful glance upon it” before passing to another car, allowing him to enjoy the extra room (393). Unbeknownst to Douglass, Massachusetts Governor George N. Briggs was also on the train, made his way toward Douglass, and took the vacant seat. The men conversed for a while. The sight of the governor next to Douglass (he disembarked in Pittsfield) made others want to sit beside the Black man they would have normally avoided. A similar incident occurred when Colonel John Henry Clifford sat beside Douglass while they rode the Boston-New Bedford railroad.
Douglass ends his memoir by asserting his belief that the best way to emancipate the enslaved Black people in the South is “to promote the moral, social, religious and intellectual elevation of the free colored people” (396). Douglass insisted on never forgetting his own origins and was committed to using his voice, his pen, and his vote “to advocate [for] the universal and unconditional emancipation of [his] entire race” (396).
In these final chapters, Douglass narrates his transatlantic experience, thus highlighting The Importance of International Solidarity. Douglass was one of the first African Americans to voyage to Europe, beginning a tradition that would become more notable in the 20th century among such figures as Josephine Baker, Richard Wright, and James Baldwin. Unappreciated and unheard in their home countries, these figures often found it easier not only to raise their voices but to live normally abroad. American journalists expressed resentment over Douglass’s success abroad, eager to prove the righteousness of bogus theories of racial inferiority. The press is a significant motif in this section as Douglass points out the diverse perspectives of the international press, highlighting the fact that the British press aided abolitionism in a way the American press did not. He also draws attention to the interconnected nature of the international community when he lists the British organizations accepting money from and welcoming enslavers. He hence shows that people from different countries are not separated into discrete economies and have a duty to show solidarity with one another.
Douglass finishes the text by exploring Literacy as a Gateway to Freedom, particularly by narrating the start of his own newspaper. New England abolitionists’ opposition to his starting The North Star revealed how self-serving their attitude was in relation to Douglass. By becoming an editor, he did not conform to their idea of how he ought to act. The abolitionists’ encouragement of Douglass’s speaking over his writing revealed their wish to control the narrative around enslavement and abolition, despite this not being their experience. His narration of The North Star reflects the metatextual aims of the memoir itself: to assert his autonomy and level of education and garner support for abolition.
By Frederick Douglass