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57 pages 1 hour read

Dave Grossman

On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1995

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Themes

The Psychological and Emotional Effects of Killing

Grossman begins with the assumption that human beings have an innate resistance to killing members of their own species. He supports this assumption via references to studies documenting the low ratio of fire in World War II and the disparity between the destructive power of weaponry and the numbers killed in previous wars. The military has learned how to train and condition soldiers to overcome this innate resistance. There is, however, a high psychological cost in overcoming this innate resistance to kill: For 98% of soldiers who kill in combat, there are serious psychological and emotional effects. Grossman argues that these psychological and emotional effects need to be acknowledged and addressed.

Several factors contribute to psychological casualties on the battlefield and after. Aside from exhaustion, all the factors relate in some way to the burden of killing. Grossman explains that the fear that contributes to psychological casualties is not the fear of death or injury. Rather, combat soldiers fear their own inability to kill and worry that they will let their comrades down or, alternatively, they fear that they will kill another human being. The carnage of the battlefield overwhelms combat soldiers with a sense of guilt precisely because they feel a responsibility for it. The wind of hate causes stress and leads to psychological casualties as well: Soldiers must at times face down an enemy who hates them and wants to kill them. Grossman then emphasizes the burden of killing itself as a separate contributor to psychological casualties.

The burden of killing is much greater at close range or in difficult circumstances, such as guerrilla warfare. Soldiers often vomit after killing someone at close range and feel a profound sense of guilt and criminality. Even at mid-range, soldiers feel remorse for killing another human being, and that trauma is intensified if they get closer to observe the dead enemy. Killings of non-combatants cause even greater levels of psychological trauma. Extended tours of combat also wear down a soldier’s fortitude and, for most, will ultimately lead to psychological problems.

Grossman describes in detail the types of psychological and emotional effects that can result from killing and extended combat. Fatigue is an early symptom and can cause the soldier to lose interest in all activities. Soldiers can fall into confused states or experience conversion hysteria, finding themselves unable to function. In worst-case scenarios, soldiers can develop character disorders, potentially leading to the development of a psychotic personality. PTSD is another common reaction and can occur directly after the killing or years later. Long-term PTSD is characterized by multiple symptoms that lower one’s quality of life, including sleep disturbances, difficulties with intimate relationships, and social withdrawal.

In short, killing in combat is not at all as Hollywood depicts it. The act of killing is not done lightly and comes with a high psychological and emotional cost for 98% of soldiers. The other 2% do not experience response to such legitimate killings. Grossman wants to expose the psychological struggles of the 98% and to educate the public about the cost soldiers pay. Acknowledgement of these struggles as normal is the first step toward getting help for these soldiers.

The Impact of Training and Conditioning for Violence

The natural inhibition against killing a member of one’s own species can be overridden by training and psychological conditioning. Indeed, with such new models of training and conditioning in place, the US military has increased the ratio of fire from 15-20% in World War II to 90-95% in the Vietnam War. To achieve this result, the military has used numerous psychological techniques, such as forms of conditioning, the structure of combat units, and language and technology to dehumanize the enemy. Problematically, Grossman asserts, some of these forms of psychological conditioning are now being applied without forethought to American youth via violent media imagery and video games.

Grossman explains that the military desensitizes soldiers to violence using classical conditioning, or Pavlovian techniques. Soldiers are forced to watch violent scenes of death repeatedly. The use of positive associations with such violence is also introduced. Operant conditioning, pioneered by behavioralist B.F. Skinner, is used as well. Soldiers are trained to shoot at human-like targets and are rewarded for their success with badges and weekend passes. The drill is repeated so often in training that the behavior of shooting a human-like target becomes reflexive. Soldiers in basic training are guided by the role model of the drill sergeant, who connects the use of violence to manhood and is himself a decorated soldier. Importantly, the drill sergeant teaches recruits to kill, but only on the orders of their commanders. Any unauthorized use of violence is severely punished.

Political and military leaders overcome the resistance to killing by encouraging a soldier’s deniability of killing to self and others. At times, leaders dehumanize the enemy via the creation of cultural distance. In such cases, dehumanizing terms are used to describe the enemy, which in turn allows the soldier to deny that the victim is human. Moral distance is created when leaders emphasize the just nature of their cause, which allows for rationalization of killing. The military ensures that there is social distance between enlisted soldiers and officers to enable the latter to order the former to their deaths if needed. Modern weaponry allows for the creation of mechanical distance. Soldiers can kill from more distant ranges and therefore not see the human victims of their actions. That too significantly helps to overcome the resistance to killing.

The military is also mindful of the organization of combat units. Small, tight-knit groups are more likely to have all members participate in killing than larger, loosely connected ones. Grossman explains that membership in a group allows for anonymity and, therefore, a lack of responsibility. People do things in groups that they would never do individually. In addition, soldiers are held accountable by their peers for their participation in combat.

With these new methods of training and conditioning, the military has greatly increased the percentage of soldiers who kill in combat. Grossman not only worries about the psychological effects on these soldiers who kill legitimate targets in war but also is deeply concerned that similar methods of conditioning are being applied to children and adolescents without the safeguards of military discipline. He argues that constant exposure to violent movies, which are associated with pleasures such as treats, has desensitized people to violence. Only a very small percentage of people need to act on these impulses to cause significant increases in murder rates. Without a change in this conditioning, Grossman fears escalating violence in society. Just as the ratio of fire was increased in the military, he argues, so too will it be in the civilian population.

The Importance of Societal Support for Combat Veterans

After killing, soldiers experience stages of grief. The ultimate stage in that grief process is rationalization and acceptance. However, not all soldiers reach that stage. To increase the percentage of soldiers who reach acceptance, there is a need for a support structure both in the military and in society. In the absence of a supportive environment, psychological casualties and rates of PTSD will increase, just as they did for Vietnam veterans. Grossman therefore argues that there is a need to expose the trauma of killing and provide adequate support in response.

Grossman identifies five stages in the emotional response to killing in combat. Preceding the kill, soldiers fear that they will let their comrades down and be unable to fire. Given modern conditioning, the killing stage itself is reflexive or automatic for most and happens without thought. Many soldiers then experience an emotional response of exhilaration or euphoria. They have an adrenaline rush and are happy to have successfully downed the enemy. However, this stage—which is often very brief—is followed by remorse. In cases of close-range kills, many soldiers become physically ill, vomiting and feeling like criminals. They later torture themselves over having felt euphoric at all, assuming that it is an abnormal and monster-like reaction to killing. Finally, soldiers achieve rationalization and acceptance: They understand the legitimacy of the killing in wartime and accept it.

To reach rationalization and acceptance, soldiers need reassurance that they did the right thing from their peers, commanders, and citizens. Grossman explains that this grief process is facilitated when soldiers have the opportunity to spend time with their peers after combat. Such a cooling-down period provides a realization that others shared their experiences. They can trade stories with others sure to understand their emotions. Upon arrival home, a supportive public also reassures soldiers. Their sacrifices are celebrated, and they no longer feel like criminals.

In the case of Vietnam, veterans received no such support. On the contrary, they were sent home alone after fighting in a guerrilla war, which required particularly traumatic killings. They had no peers with whom to commiserate and quickly found themselves in a hostile environment. With the war increasingly unpopular at home, some citizens inappropriately blamed soldiers and called them murderers and spat upon them. Grossman explains that such a hostile environment multiplied the trauma of killing for Vietnam veterans. In contrast, returning soldiers from World War II were greeted as heroes, which helped to mitigate the trauma of killing. Not surprisingly, Vietnam veterans have high rates of PTSD, and many simply repress their emotions.

Grossman concludes that both the military and wider society are obligated to give psychological help and support to soldiers, whom they have trained and directed to kill. He wants to undermine the Hollywood version of war, which fails to expose the psychological toll, sometimes paid over a lifetime, on soldiers.

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