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Henry GeorgeA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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According to Ricardo, rent increases as the population grows because it requires more food and land cultivation. Ricardo’s conclusion is accurate, but it does not tell the whole story. There are other causes that raise the rent. The history of material progress features three factors: population growth; the development of production and exchange; and the development of education, government support, and other factors that “increase the power of producing wealth” (226). Nations develop in this direction at different rates. Of relevance here is the wealth-producing power brought by material progress. For this reason, it is important to examine population growth and knowledge separately.
This chapter examines the effects of population growth on wealth distribution, excluding the factor of technological advancement. The accepted explanation for the reason why population growth translates into land rent increase is the fact that it leads to an increased demand for agricultural production. The latter is supported by Malthusianism and its concept of population growth running into the limitation of food supply. This theory does not consider the growing labor efficiency of cultivating land by producing larger quantities of wealth. Eventually, the cultivation of poor-quality land may indeed reduce the minimum return on labor. Overall, however, an “increase of population, as it operates to extend production to lower natural levels, operates to increase rent and reduce wages as a proportion, and may or may not reduce wages as a quantity” (232). However, this is not the only way in which rents increase as the population grows.
When a small frontier settlement gradually expands to become a city the size of San Francisco, so does its productivity. All the benefits of a city are linked to the land, “And rent, which measures the difference between this added productiveness and that of the least productive land in use, has increased accordingly” (239). Natural resources, such as coal deposits, have obvious value, but many of the land’s superior qualities are actually brought about by population growth. Overall,
[T]he effect of increasing population upon the distribution of wealth is to increase rent, and consequently to diminish the proportion of the produce which goes to capital and labor, in two ways. First, by lowering the margin of cultivation. Second, by bringing out in land special capabilities otherwise latent, and by attaching special capabilities to particular lands (241, emphasis added).
Population growth leads to a rent increase and an increase in productivity. This chapter examines the development of industrial production, excluding the population factor, upon wealth distribution. The impact that technological advancement has on industrial production is “to save labor—that is, to enable the same result to be secured with less labor, or a greater result with the same labor” (242). For example, the division of labor increases the power of productivity.
The second consequence of labor-saving technologies is “to extend cultivation, and, where this lowers the margin of cultivation, to increase rent” (242). This tendency to increase land rent is as follows: “Wealth in all its forms being the product of labor applied to land or the products of land, any increase in the power of labor, the demand for wealth being unsatisfied, will be utilized in procuring more wealth, and thus increase the demand for land” (247).
As technology continues to advance, the production margin will decrease, while rent will grow. Since progress may be limitless, so too can the rent increase be. Overall, “in the improvements which advance rent, are not only to be included the improvements which directly increase productive power, but also such improvements in government, manners, and morals as indirectly increase it” (252).
Population growth and the increase in productive power each lead to an increase in land rent rather than advancing wages or interest. As a result, the growth of wealth “goes ultimately to the owners of land in increased rent” (253). However, there is another link between material progress and wealth distribution: “the confident expectation of the future enhancement of land values, which arises in all progressive countries from the steady increase of rent, and which leads to speculation, or the holding of land for a higher price than it would then otherwise bring” (253).
The limits of growing cities correspond to “the margin of cultivation in agriculture” (255). Beyond these limits, land value is linked to speculation anticipating further expansion. Overall, “the general and steady advance in land values in a progressive community necessarily produces that additional tendency to advance which is seen in the case of commodities when any general and continuous cause operates to increase their price” (257). However, there are limits to the increase in land rent based on speculation. Such limits are linked to the fact that “wages cannot be permanently reduced below the point at which laborers will consent to work and reproduce” as well as “interest below the point at which capital will be devoted to production” (258).
Book 4 explores the causes of the land rent increase. The author’s objective is to understand the impact of this trend on society, in general, and the working class specifically. He narrows down the necessary conditions for material progress to three key features: population growth, the development of industry and trade, and the development of wealth-generating elements, such as education and training as well as state support. Based on these features, the author determines that rates of development vary for different countries. He attempts to explain these societal differences later in this book.
George explores these processes at a macro level to identify the mechanisms that make entire societies function. After all, he seeks to introduce a solution that would overhaul the entire system of rent rather than some of the surface-level remedies, such as Thomas Malthus’s concept of private investment to alleviate the suffering of the economically disadvantaged. Such solutions do not address the question of unequal wealth distribution.
Wealth distribution is linked to the question of land values and rent. There are different reasons why rent increases over time. Population growth—and its increased demand for agriculture—is just one of them. Such explanations do not account for improved labor efficiency through technology and skills. Indeed, the use of superior technologies extends a given land’s ability to be cultivated for different purposes and increases land rent. Thus, an increase in population translates both into growing land rents and superior productivity. Speculation on land value outside cities is another factor contributing to the rent increase. The only limit on such an increase is the lowest wage point beyond which workers cannot function, stay alive, and have children to produce a new labor force. Thus, the author identifies the key cause, in his view, that is responsible for uneven wealth distribution. Now he can proceed to systematically explore all the negative consequences brought about by growing land values.
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