The Color of Compromise: The Truth about the American Church’s Complicity in Racism

In this section, Tisby makes practical suggestions to battle institutional and systemic inequality. Key among them are his steps toward racial reconciliation and his urging that the American church abandon its compromise with racism. Tisby analyzes an “arc” of racial justice stressing the necessity for “awareness, relationships and commitment.”

Moreover, Tisby reinforces the relevance and importance of the book’s project as a whole. He reiterates that historical knowledge is crucial in developing awareness. According to Tisby, the study of America’s racial history offers a necessary “context” in the struggle for justice. People can engage in research and expand their cultural outlook through diverse media to increase awareness on the ongoing issues and topics that concern marginalized racial groups. Apart from theoretical knowledge, action is also key in battling racism. For Tisby, interracial relationships must be pursued with intentionality. Apart from existing social circles, people must practically endeavor to develop “meaningful” friendships and exist in diverse cultural environments that would change their social perspective and attitudes. Tisby stresses that “antiracist activity” must become “a way of life” (196). Commitment is necessary for a “lifelong” practice of racial justice. Tisby’s discussion of these practical suggestions demonstrates that, while the book’s focus is on the church, he sees these suggestions as ethical prescriptions for all people and not merely Christians.

Tisby further connects his historical analysis to contemporary issues through his discussion of the controversial issue of “reparations” for the historical enslavement of Black people. Moreover, his discussion here highlights the book’s general focus on the connection between religion and politics. As the ongoing economic discrimination against African Americans has its roots in the long history of racism, Tisby stresses that reparation is “a matter of justice” (198). Tisby extends the topic to the Jim Crow era when Black people were legally subordinated and excluded from any opportunity of social mobility, economic autonomy, and self-determination. Tisby distinguishes between reparation as a “principle” and reparations as “practice.” He argues that as a concept, reparation has biblical insinuations, signifying “remorse.” Connecting the religious with the political, he notes that the practice of reparations through policies and laws are necessary for the repair of injustices.

Tisby extends his claim about the connection between religion and politics by arguing that, to counteract The Historical Complicity of the American Church in Racism, the church should fund the support of education and Black churches. The church, he says, must extend its social impact by promoting the rejection of white supremacist symbols and by supporting the takedown of confederate monuments. Tisby urges Christians for racial solidarity to amplify inclusion in the church. He stresses the significance of Black Christianity as a Source of Empowerment, suggesting that Black Christians’ distinct theological contributions can serve as a transformative force in the American church. As Black Christians have used biblical teachings to battle racial oppression, they can help the American church reevaluate its principles and “grasp more of God’s truth” (203). Tisby’s suggestions on educational innovations like new seminaries, freedom school, and pilgrimages to historical sites of suffering and trauma promote antiracist action and steps toward liberation, thereby showing concretely what the connection between religion and politics looks like and what it actually means to reject complicity.

Similar to his claims about this connection between religion and politics, Tisby insists on the connection between activism and Christian faith. He notes that modern-day Christians are vocal about the Black freedom struggle and urges the church to assume its crucial role against institutional racism. He suggests the establishment of Juneteenth as a national holiday to stress the significance of historical memory but also encourages the active participation in the modern civil rights movement, linking the spiritual with the political. Tisby envisions that the American church could be “the object of a mass movement for justice” (211), suggesting ways for Christians to participate in nonviolent direct action and to end the compromise with racism. Ultimately, Tisby contends that faith that lacks action remains weak, as it allows the proliferation of racist patterns. He therefore casts anti-racism as a moral imperative and a central matter of one’s Christian faith.

Tisby’s conclusion is informed by his own theological philosophy. He identifies the ideas of “complicit Christianity,” a belief system that reinforces racial injustice and distorts the biblical message, and “courageous Christianity,” the merging of faith with activism. He urges American Christians to overcome the unproductive fear of losing their privileges and comfort or facing criticism. The church must dismantle divisive racial barriers and abandon complicity following the spirit of Jesus Christ. By practicing “courageous Christianity,” the church could work toward building an inclusive and diverse community, and advocate for equality in all social and political structures. Hence, Tisby closes the book on a hopeful note: Despite the enduring legacy of the church’s complicity with racism and white supremacy, it’s still able to change its legacy and embody courageous Christianity.