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62 pages 2 hours read

Sara Ahmed

The Cultural Politics of Emotion

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

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Chapters 7-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “Queer Feelings”

Unlike previous chapters, Chapter 7’s introduction begins with the discussion of a quote not from a popular public text but from an academic source: R T Goodman’s Infertilities: Exploring Fictions of Barren Bodies. Ahmed uses this text as a reminder of her previous point that biological reproduction is often conflated with perpetuation of the social ideal. The traditional family is portrayed as vulnerable and in need of defense. Heterosexuality between white men and women becomes a prescribed means of defending both the status quo and its future. Immigrants, LGBTQ+ people, and mixed-race couples are stuck together into a threatening object. These narratives shape the identities and bodies of both those who obey their prescriptions and those who contradict them. Ahmed compares the workings of these regulatory norms to physical labor that, in repeatedly impressing on and orienting bodies in a prescribed manner, creates a kind of “repetitive strain injury” and contorts bodies “into shapes that enable some action only insofar as they restrict capacity for other kinds of action” (Location 3362 of 6419). Heteronormativity is one such regulatory norm.

Heterosexuality, Ahmed argues, is not simply a matter of one’s chosen sexual partners. It is an investment in the perpetuation of heterosexuality as a norm permeating and structuring the collective. The assumption of heterosexuality as the default grants some selves repeated affirmation through the collective’s normative rituals and narratives while it cuts off other selves from this same affirmation. Queer bodies can be injured as they repeatedly experience failure to live up to the collective’s ideal and as they are repeatedly made uncomfortable in spaces that do not “fit” them. Unlike comfort, which allows the self to meld seamlessly with its environment, discomfort brings the self’s attention back to the surface of the body and its separateness from its surroundings. The norm of heterosexuality that permeates social spaces vanishes from the attention of the heterosexual self because the “fit” is perfect, while it functions as a constant, disorienting reminder to the homosexual self of its lack of belonging. Queer people are often even expected to contribute their own labor to the maintenance of heterosexual comfort by refraining from any public expression of self that contradicts heteronormativity.

Because different norms tend to stick together and reinforce each other, creating “legitimate” and “illegitimate” ways of living, queer theory takes a stance not just against heteronormativity but against normativity more generally. Ahmed proposes that, when it comes to accepting or rejecting norms, a close examination of queer attachments can help resolve the apparent either-or choice of assimilation versus transgression. She points out that different queer bodies have access to different kinds of queer spaces and that not even in these queer spaces can queer bodies be guaranteed a good fit; intersectionalities of race, class, and so on can impinge on a queer person’s sense of comfort in queer spaces. A negative definition of freedom, as preferred by prominent voices in queer theory—the freedom from all norms—idealizes a particular way of living through movement and detachment and becomes yet another way to exclude certain queer selves from comfort and belonging.

Ahmed contends that although normative attachments in general may support heteronormativity, they are still important in many queer lives and can be used to intensify the social work that queerness can accomplish. By inhabiting hereronormative spaces that they do not fit seamlessly into, queer bodies highlight the gaps between their bodies and the space they inhabit, encouraging the reworking of these spaces. These acts of positive transgression have the potential of “queering” heteronormative spaces. Ahmed acknowledges that not all queer bodies have equal access to or interest in this kind of positive transgression. Just as with negative transgression in the form of rejecting all norms, intersectional identities influence the options that are available and appealing to individual queer selves.

In rejecting queerness, heteronormative culture rejects its own potential for queerness. This rejection results in an unacknowledged grief that prevents heteronormative culture from grieving the loss of actual queer bodies and loves because it insists on a reading of queer life as “non-life.” Because of this, queer activism responding to the AIDS epidemic created forms of collective mourning and made mourning the loss of queer lives in public spaces a political action. Ahmed examines the public mourning after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and points out that these memorials tried to replace the sudden absence of the dead with the presence of memorials—and yet they obscured certain deaths while privileging others in a kind of hierarchy of grief. In response to heteronormative descriptions of the dead in terms of their nuclear family relationships, queer activists highlighted the deaths of queer bodies, framing them as losses to the queer community. Ahmed critiques one of these responses for the ways its language allows queer losses to become a part of the very national narrative that erases queer deaths, suggesting that queer grief should be closely examined to find an alternative framing.

She introduces Freud’s distinction between mourning and melancholia: In mourning, one lets go of the lost object, while in melancholia one attempts to hold on by bringing the lost object into the self. Ahmed challenges Freud’s assumption that letting go is the healthier response. Melancholia can be a healthy process of gradually renegotiating the meaning of the loss and may in fact allow for new attachments rather than being an obstacle to them. It may well be the more ethical of the two options, as taking the lost object into the self allows it to live on into the present. Ahmed refines this concept of “taking in” by suggesting that relationships between loved ones inevitably involve prolonged processes of resurfacing as each body makes impressions upon the other; in a sense, then, even before a loss the loved one is a part of the self and melancholia simply preserves these already existing impressions. Queer forms of grief can focus on sustaining these impressions without allowing queer grief to be co-opted into inherently anti-queer national narratives.

Ahmed closes the chapter with a consideration of queer pleasure and attempts by heteronormative culture to steal or prevent this joy because of its own investment in queer suffering and the perception that queer joy is unearned. Ahmed contends that queer politics should challenge this treatment of pleasure as a form of property that one earns as a reward for appropriate behavior and enjoys only in appropriate ways. The recent commodification of queer pleasures as a part of the global economy may well have a liberating effect, but Ahmed believes that queer pleasure can also work to challenge social norms. Pleasure, like pain, draws attention to the body’s surface—but unlike pain, pleasure opens and expands the self. Shared pleasures indicate belonging to the collective. When queer bodies exhibit pleasure in heteronormative spaces, it creates discomfort and challenges the heteronormative narrative. When queer bodies share pleasure with one another, they resurface and liberate bodies that may have been previously shaped by pain.

Chapter 8 Summary: “Feminist Attachments”

An excerpt from Sunera Thobani’s journal article “War and the Politics of Truth-Making in Canada” opens Chapter 8. Thobani mentions the vitriolic reaction she received after speaking out against the so-called “War on Terror” in the early 2000s. Ahmed is interested in how the speech of some groups is privileged over that of other groups, to the extent that a feminist like Thobani can be accused of being a terrorist simply for speaking against a narrative favored by the powerful. Speech surrounding the War on Terror is framed as either “for” or “against” the nation rather than “for” or “against” specific actions it engaged in. Since the nation is framed as a representation of freedom, democracy, and truth, to criticize it is to criticize these values. An attack on the War on Terror is equated with an attack on the very idea that there are just and unjust uses of violence, legitimate and illegitimate states. Ahmed points out that the attacks on Thobani were extremely personal and attempted to delegitimize her right to speak at all. Thobani’s sex and status as an immigrant were clear factors in the attacks on her, Ahmed says, and she recalls the hierarchy of thought and emotion she discussed in the book’s introduction. The distinction between thought and emotion is used both to dismiss the voices of women and to obscure the intimate connection between thoughts and emotions. As an example of how emotion and thought are bound together, Ahmed describes her own emotional journey toward feminism.

The first emotions that Ahmed chooses to discuss in relation to feminism are anger and pain. Some feminist theorists see pain as integral to individuals’ understandings of themselves as feminists and to the mobilization of feminist collectives as pain is transformed into resistance. Other theorists point to this as a fetishization of pain that has the unintended effects of reifying patriarchy and offering no clear route to dismantling it. Ahmed argues that feminism does have a relationship to pain, but that pain is not its foundation. Feminists must avoid fetishizing pain and instead honor its history, bear witness to its effects, and attempt to respond to these effects.

This is what requires anger, an “againstness” that responds with outrage to that which causes pain and takes action against it. The futurity inherent in taking action prevents the focus of feminism from being exclusively on past injuries and thus prevents feminism from being defined by ressentiment. The form of action that anger takes depends on the reading of the cause of pain, and because different feminists construct the cause of pain differently, feminism does not have a single, defined, object of anger. Rather, feminism’s power lies in the fact that

[f]eminist anger involves a reading of the world, a reading of how, for example, gender hierarchy is implicated in other forms of power relations […]. [Feminism is] a bigger critique of ‘what is’, as a critique that loses an object (Location 4071 of 6419).

The performance of feminist anger, whether spoken or unspoken, often arouses a defensive anger in defenders of the status quo, as in Thobani’s case. On the other hand, feminist anger is sometimes simply dismissed; people can refuse to engage with it, offering the excuse that it is emotional rather than rational. Ahmed suggests that, even in the face of defensiveness and dismissal, feminists must continue to use to address pain and must accept their place within a “politics of discomfort” (Location 4113 of 6419).

Just as feminism is not entirely defined by pain, it is not entirely defined by anger. It is also “for” just as much as it is “against.” Ahmed next considers the creative nature of feminism’s joy in, and attentive care toward, the world. Relying on Descartes’ construction of “wonder” as the first impression created by something entirely new, Ahmed adds that wonder has an expansive quality, as the self’s understanding of the world and its possibilities is enlarged and the reification of the ordinary is called into question. Wonder opens the body, priming it to pursue fresh ways of living. Ahmed describes how her own first encounters with feminism had this quality for her: She suddenly saw the world in new ways and asked critical questions about things previously taken for granted, realizing that what has been made can be unmade. For Ahmed, this illustrates that the frequent critique of the emotionality of feminist teaching and Women’s Studies classrooms misses the point. Rather than being an obstacle to intellectual inquiry and learning, emotions can be the force that actually promotes critical inquiry and new understandings.

The final emotion that Ahmed considers in her discussion of feminist attachments is hope. Hope unites feminists in a desire that the future not simply reproduce the past. All politics, including feminism, are a mechanism through which people act in the present to create a desired version of the future: Without hope, politics have no purpose. Hope maintains an openness to the possibility of joy, expanding the body as it reaches for the desired future. In this way it is opposite to fear, which reads openness as vulnerability and seeks to close off or shrink the body away.

Ahmed acknowledges that hope is not magical and can have a downside. Being hopeful alone does not create the desired future, just as refusal to hope does not absolutely preclude a particular future from coming about. Hope can also take the form of a stubborn refusal to accept reality. Feminists, Ahmed suggests, can engage in meaningful and efficacious hope by moving together as an attached community, accepting uncertainty and staying engaged with the objects of anger, adapting as these objects shift and change, and promoting a vision informed by wonder at what can be even while critiquing what should not be.

Chapters 7-8 Analysis

Much of the work Ahmed has done in Chapters 1-6 is to lay groundwork for the culminating arguments she advances in Chapters 7 and 8. It is in Chapters 1-6 that she demonstrates that pain, shame, hate, fear, disgust, and love are Social and Relational Practices. She also demonstrates the function of Emotion as Shapers of Identity through their repetitive impressions as well as The Stickiness of Emotion. In these earlier chapters, she makes reference to the thematic ideas of The Intersectionality of Emotion, Race, Gender, and Sexuality and The Relationship Between Emotion, Language, and Power—but it is in Chapters 7 and 8 that these latter ideas are most important, as Ahmed considers how the political impact of emotions follows from the qualities she has established in Chapters 1-6.

Although Chapters 7 and 8 cover separate subjects—queer and feminist feelings—they share common arguments regarding these subjects. Both feminists and queer people experience a lack of fit into the status quo, which views them as less than fully human. Ahmed points out that the emotions of queer and feminist people who experience this repeated wounding have the potential to become a politics of ressentiment or be co-opted into the very narratives that support the status quo attempting to exclude them. Opposing the ideas that queerness and feminism should be manifested through a categorical rejection of norms, she advocates instead for queer and feminist emotions to stay engaged with normative spaces, creating a politics of discomfort as a route to the transformation of these spaces and of the status quo.

Ahmed does not disguise the personal interest she has in Chapter 7’s consideration of queer feelings or Chapter 8’s consideration of feminist attachments. Although she has made use of occasional autobiographical anecdotes and examples throughout the text, the analysis in these chapters is especially marked by these techniques. Ahmed emphasizes one such personal example, her own nascent feminism during her early years, through the use of parallelism and epizeuxis. This lyrical and emotional language used to discuss an intellectual journey both draws attention to the importance of her point about the connection between thought and emotion and provides a model of their inextricability. In this final section of her argument, Ahmed continues to employ the pedagogical techniques of frequent review and contextualization and comparisons of the abstract to the familiar. For instance, the book’s only extended analogy occurs in Chapter 7, when Ahmed compares the relative “fit” of queer and nonqueer bodies into their environments to the feeling of either sinking into a comfortable chair or perching uneasily in an uncomfortable chair.

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