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45 pages 1 hour read

Eric Foner

The Story of American Freedom

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1977

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 6 Summary: “Liberty of Contract and Its Discontents”

Over the final 30 years of the 19th century, a period which has come to be known as the “Gilded Age,” the United States underwent massive transformational changes. The country’s economy became manufacturing-based, driven by coal, iron, and steam, instead of one based on agriculture and artisanal production. The period was marked by the economic revolution and by “some of the most violent struggles between labor and employers in the history of capitalism” (116). Economic concentration, in which a few giant corporations dominate entire branches of industry, and the concentration of wealth among the industrial class “posed a sharp challenge to inherited definitions of freedom” (117). Foner argues that “the close link between freedom and equality, forged in the Revolution and reinforced during the Civil War, appeared increasingly out of date” (119). As class differences and questions about industrial labor practices replaced slavery as the nation’s primary focus, court rulings continually sided with corporations and industry giants, supporting ideas such as Social Darwinism, laissez-faire economics, and liberty of contract.

The labor movement of the Gilded Age sought various reforms including an eight-hour workday, currency reform, public employment in hard times, and even the abolition of the wage system. According to Foner, “Labor raised the question whether meaningful freedom could exist in a situation of extreme economic inequality” (126). The People’s Party, or Populist Party, became a legitimate national third-party option in the early 1890s by calling for governmental action to ensure economic freedom. At the center of the labor movement was Eugene V. Debs, an activist and union leader who ran for president five times on behalf of the Socialist Party of America. Of Debs, Foner writes, “No one was more effective at appropriating the language of American freedom for labor’s cause” (126).

Much of the turmoil of the 1890s was due to a severe economic depression and multiple instances of management-labor violence during strikes, However, the turmoil was also caused by a xenophobic backlash to increased immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe. This backlash echoed pre-Civil War arguments about inferior races and led to a reversing of the long trend of expanding political freedoms. The hollowing-out of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments began with a series of restrictions on Black freedom, culminating in the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson ruling that made segregation legal. At the dawn of the 20th century, America also became an imperial power as it entered the Spanish-American War. Foner argues that America’s entry into the war “tied nationalism and American freedom ever more closely to notions of Anglo-Saxon superiority” (134).

Chapter 7 Summary: “Progressive Freedom”

Foner examines freedom in the Progressive era, the first two decades of the 20th century in which widespread reforms were sought for economic inequality and other social ills. While Progressives were successful in instigating “the use of political power to expand economic freedom,” other liberties became restricted in this time, as was the case with increased racial segregation and prohibition of alcohol. Unlike groups that limited their concern to concentrated economic power in the Gilded Age, the Progressive movement was very broad because of the new language that it utilized. The metaphorical use of the term “wage slavery” transitioned to the new concept of a “living wage,” as the realization that most workers would never truly prosper sunk in. Foner argues, “The idea that social and moral considerations, not simply the law of supply and demand, should determine the level of wages, became a staple of progressive thought” (144). A new definition of freedom emerged later in the Progressive era in the form of consumerism, as mass consumption came to represent economic autonomy.

A broad coalition of intellectuals concerned with reform, made up of unionists, socialists, and a resurgent women’s movement, “emerged to reinvigorate the idea of an activist national state” (152). Although most of the era’s legislative reforms came at the municipal and state level, many federal agencies and federal laws came into existence to regulate market behavior and protect citizens from industrial abuses (152). Foner explains that a unique aspect of the Progressive era was that the electorate “simultaneously expanded and contracted” (154). As massive disenfranchisement of Black voters was taking place across the South, an amendment enfranchising women was added to the Constitution (154). In the successful women’s suffrage movement and in other social movements aimed at education and alleviating poverty, women played a pivotal role in the formation of an activist federal government during the Progressive era.

Although Woodrow Wilson 1913-1921 presidency is most commonly associated with World War I, Foner argues that he was an important Progressive president in some ways. He writes, “Though representing a party thoroughly steeped in states’ rights and laissez-faire ideology, Wilson was deeply imbued with Progressive ideas” (159).

Chapter 8 Summary: “The Birth of Civil Liberties”

Foner explains that freedom of speech issues surrounding organized labor, sexual freedom, and birth control were key aspects leading to the birth of civil liberties in the early 20th century. However, he argues, “[I]t was World War I that made civil liberties a major public issue in America” (168). America’s entry into the war inspired the activist and expanded government that Progressives had envisioned, and support for the war came from both feminist groups and the newly formed National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) because they thought that the fight for freedom abroad would naturally mean freedom at home. Foner argues, “[T]he war unleashed social changes that altered the contours of American race relations” (173). Chief among these was the Great Migration, the massive movement of Black Americans from the South to the North in search of safer living conditions and job opportunities.

Believing that freedom and democracy would also become standard in American industry, union membership doubled during the years of World War I. With the rise in union membership also came “the greatest wave of labor unrest in American history” (175). In 1919 and 1920, strikes and violent conflicts between labor and management occurred in various industries across the country. Although the war effort instigated the activist government that Progressives had wanted, in the end it also “inaugurated the most intensive repression of civil liberties the nation has ever known” (177). Foner explains, “It laid the foundation not for the triumph of Progressivism but for one of the most conservative decades in American history” (177). The government sided with business interest in crushing unions and laws repressing free speech and the free press such as the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918. The tide of repression turned, however, in the 1920s with various court decisions indicating that many of the wartime limitations on civil liberties went too far.

What came to be known as America’s “race problem” referred to the continued inequality faced by African Americans in the North, the violence from the Ku Klux Klan in the South, and increased immigration. Foner argues that the “nationalization of politics and economic life served to heighten awareness of ethnic and racial difference, and spurred demands for Americanization—the conscious creation of a more homogenous national culture” (187). In addition to forced assimilation efforts through Americanization, various laws were passed that outlawed the teaching of foreign languages, and a quota system for immigration was imposed by Congress in 1924. The quota system “severely restricted immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe and barred the entry of all those ineligible for naturalized citizenship—that is, the entire population of Asia” (189).

Chapter 9 Summary: “The New Deal and the Redefinition of Freedom”

Foner explains that “the stock market crash of 1929 plunged the United States into the greatest economic and social crisis in its history” (195). The hardships for Americans that followed in the 1930s during the Great Depression resulted in a political revolution that saw the federal government attempt to provide citizens with economic security. According to Foner, “[T]he New Deal recast the idea of freedom by linking it to the expanding power of the national state” (196). Because the federal government was for the first time openly siding with labor, the “mid- and late thirties were an era of heroic militancy” (199). Instrumental in the growing power of unions was the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which was founded in 1935 to organize workers in mass production industries.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s initial strategy to deal with the Great Depression was his “New Deal.” The New Deal focused on agricultural and industrial recovery, provided emergency relief and public employment, and reformed the banking system. Later, the focus turned to expanded relief programs and higher taxes on concentrated wealth (201). Central to the “second New Deal” actions were the government’s support of workers’ rights to collective bargaining, Social Security, and the establishment of a national minimum wage. With the Social Security Act of 1935, Roosevelt aided a broad group of citizens in need, including the unemployed, those with disabilities, the elderly, and dependent children. Social Security was unique in that it was partially structured to provide old age pensions and unemployment insurance to wage workers who have paid taxes, allowing them to avoid the stigma of dependency. However, the structure of the program excluded most women and most unemployed Black Americans who worked in agriculture and domestic service (206). Social Security included assistance for the latter groups as well, but aid for single mothers and the non-white in poverty came to be known as “welfare.”

While non-white citizens were still discriminated against, other groups of immigrants and religious minorities were absorbed into society during the 1930s as cultural assimilation accelerated. Through its willingness to ally with labor organizations, New Deal liberals, socialists, religious organizations, and civil rights groups, the Communist Party played a key role in redrawing the boundaries of American freedom. This coalition of left-wing groups instigating social change became known as the Popular Front. According to Foner, “It was the Popular Front, not the mainstream Democratic Party, that forthrightly sought to popularize the idea that the country’s strength lay in diversity and tolerance, a love of equality, and a rejection of ethnic prejudice and class privilege” (212-213). Whereas civil liberties, and especially the right of labor to organize, had come under attack during the 1920s, by the end of the 1930s they were a key part of the New Deal understanding of freedom.

Part 2 Analysis

In Part 2 of the book, Foner examines freedom during the Gilded Age, the Progressive era, World War I, and the New Deal era. While political and personal freedom are still major concerns during these periods, the aspect of economic freedom takes on new importance as the United States transitions from an agricultural economy to one based on industry. Foner begins Chapter 6 with an anecdote concerning the 1886 unveiling of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor. The anecdote juxtaposes the meaning of freedom for the millions of immigrants who poured into the United States in the latter part of the 19th century with the meaning of freedom for the millions of American workers who were taking part in the massive strike wave across the country at the same time. Because of the rise of giant corporations and the concentration of wealth, the Gilded Age and the turn of the 20th century were times of great economic inequality. Reinforcing his theme of the social conditions that make freedom possible, Foner argues that the labor movement “raised the question whether meaningful freedom could exist in a situation of extreme economic inequality” (126).

Economic inequality had become an obstacle to freedom in the first decade of the 20th century, and as such, reform was desperately needed to provide the social conditions that make freedom possible. The broad array of social movements concerned with economic freedom during this period came to be known as the Progressive era. Foner explains, “The idea that social and moral considerations, not simply the law of supply and demand, should determine the level of wages, became a staple of Progressive thought” (144). A characteristic of the Progressive era that made reform possible, and a recurring feature of later eras of the 20th century, was an activist federal government drifting away from laissez-faire economic principles. Coming into existence in this time were a number of administrative agencies and federal laws designed to regulate labor relations and business practices, while more generally providing the social conditions that make freedom possible.

In Chapter 8, Foner turns his attention back to personal and political freedom as he examines the birth of civil liberties during the years surrounding America’s entry into World War I. According to Foner,

It was World War I that made civil liberties a major public issue in America. The war produced the empowered, purposeful nation state Progressives had so long desired. The actions of that state, and the popular frenzy its policies unleashed, not only destroyed the Progressive impulse but propelled civil liberties to the forefront of discussions of American freedom (168).

The war had massive negative implications for the issue of freedom of speech among dissenting voices and for immigrants seeking refuge in America. Positive expansions of freedom were seen in the women’s rights movement, which used the patriotic language of the war to again call for voting rights. Meanwhile, millions of African Americans took part in the Great Migration, fleeing the threat of violence in the South for better economic opportunities in the North opened by increased wartime production (173).

Like World War I a decade earlier, the Stock Market Crash of 1929 fundamentally altered the definition of freedom. Whereas the crash, which sent the nation into the Great Depression, “discredited the idea that social progress rested on the unrestrained pursuit of wealth,” the nation’s response to it gave credence to the notion that obstacles to political, personal, and economic freedom can be alleviated by government action (196). Among the many New Deal programs, laws, and federal agencies brought into existence by the Roosevelt Administration, none had a bigger impact on expanding the meaning of freedom than Social Security, “a complex system of unemployment insurance, old age pensions, and aid to the disabled and to dependent children” (201). Like the previous chapters that comprise Part 2 of his work, Foner focuses primarily on the economic dimension of freedom when discussing the New Deal era.

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