43 pages • 1 hour read
Sarah VowellA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Summary
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Key Figures
Themes
Index of Terms
Important Quotes
Essay Topics
Tools
20th-century politicians fixated on and distorted John Winthrop’s surviving writing. Ronald Reagan, who served as California’s governor and then became US president in 1980, made sure that during his two terms in office, “Winthrop’s city on a hill became the national metaphor” (59). Regan regularly invoked the seemingly benign image to talk about his vision for the country, but Vowell juxtaposes the rhetoric with the reality of Regan’s presidency: high unemployment rates, a homelessness crisis, and the growing AIDS epidemic (60; 65).
In response, politicians rebuking Reagan quoted Winthrop’s statement that a community had to “rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together” (63), but Reagan’s Winthrop sound bite won out as Americans reelected Reagan in a landslide. Vowell concludes that “In the U.S.A., we want to sing along with the chorus and ignore the verses, ignore the blues” (63). People easily feed into the hopeful and self-aggrandizing vision of a city on a hill but do not want to sign up for a communal struggle.
Even at Regan’s funeral, speakers invoked the “city on a hill” metaphor and linked Winthrop’s hopeful message to Reagan’s presidency. Vowell contrasts mourners quoting “A Model of Christian Charity” with news of Americans torturing prisoners at Abu Ghraib in Baghdad, Iraq. Even Al Gore’s criticism of the torture—that “crimes against Iraqi prisoners of war were an offense not just to us, right now, but to our Puritan forebears” (70— still asserted American exceptionalism. Vowell admits that even though “the idea that America was chosen by God as His righteous city on a hill is ridiculous,” she “still buys into it” (71). The persistence of the mythology has remained impactful for centuries, but Americans no longer temper ideas of exceptionalism with intense self-discipline and reckoning (71).
King Charles I of England chartered the Massachusetts Bay Company to undertake the Puritan settlement expedition. The company had grown out of earlier mercantilist endeavors (it had once been the Virginia Company of Plymouth in 1607). The charter authorized the colonization of “all the land between three miles north of the Merrimack River and three miles south of the Charles River, stretching ‘from sea to sea’” (73). Though the first colony remained coastal, colonists took the somewhat radical step of establishing self-government through a charter loophole. The most enduring aspect of their self-governing structure was “regularly scheduled voting” (74). Vowell classifies the colony as “a sort of republic—the most severely limited, totalitarian, closed-minded, vindictive, hard-ass republic possible” (75).
This limited representative government was not democracy: Winthrop was anti-democratic based on his reading of the Bible. Winthrop instead stressed governmental paternalism: A governor was like a father who should care for his charges/children, sometimes favoring a “tough love” approach and at other times being condescending. This was how Winthrop governed the colony. It also explains the Puritans’ non-Separatist relationship with the Church of England; Winthrop and company perceived of the church and the English state as parents who required deference and love.
Vowell’s research meant working with archivists at the Massachusetts Historical Society, where she read Winthrop’s journals, captivated that the water stains were Atlantic sea spray from hundreds of years ago.
In the journals, Winthrop wrote about “the extremes of what he had on his mind before leaving home” in 1630 (82). He mused over both poignant Bible verses that he would use in “A Model of Christian Charity” and logistical concerns, like provisions, that needed to be readied for the trip. He also wrote in detail about the Atlantic crossing, including notes on weather and navigation.
Winthrop and company landed in Salem, where a Massachusetts Bay Company “advance man” received them (88). Life was difficult for the emigrants: Winthrop’s son drowned in Salem, and not long after, the most prominent couple in the group also died. Many more followed; others suffered from exposure and lack of access to basic necessities like fresh water.
Winthrop relocated the colonists to Boston, which seemed to provide some degree of security, but Vowell ends the section with a reminder about “how miserable all the settlers were” (96). She references the short-lived sitcom Thanks, which spoofed the Massachusetts Bay colonists’ endeavor and presented “the optimism behind the image of the city on a hill” as the central joke of the show (97).
As the colonists relocate from England to Massachusetts, their vision for their future and the reality of their daily lives contrast sharply. Some moments poke fun at the (from the modern perspective) senseless risks that many colonists took with little foresight; other sections sympathize with the suffering and sadness born from the struggles they faced in their first cold, bewildering New England winter.
Much of the section centers on John Winthrop, whom Vowell characterizes alternatively as idealistic, practical, harsh, lenient, sweet, and altogether complex, even if ruled by strict dogma and elitist hierarchies of governmental power. Vowell’s snarky and witty characterizations comment on blocs of Winthrop’s own language and imbue the long-dead man with some life and tangible legacy—especially when she reminisces about working with his physical journals in Boston. The remnants of his physical world are few, but hidden in plain sight throughout Boston provide clues into his daily life and potential inner desires. For example, a plaque at the site of Winthrop’s Boston home mentions a “Great Spring” that supplied the city, so it is plausible that Winthrop preferred his Boston home to his place in Charlestown across the river because Boston had more fresh water.
Details like that one allow a modern reader to understand the colonists not merely as religious zealots who wrote a lot, but as humans with basic needs that often went unmet. The details of their suffering provide information that highlights the difference between their religious faith and conviction and the lived realities they had to encounter as earthly beings. Colonists continued to praise God even in their hardest moments: Even in the wake of his own child’s death, Winthrop called God “’merciful’ and ‘good’” (92).