43 pages • 1 hour read
Sarah VowellA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Long before the founding of the US, English colonists in New England established the idea that they were exceptional and superior—that they were God’s chosen people and their community would serve “as a beacon of righteousness that all others are to admire” (24).
Symbolic representations of this idea recurred in objects like the seal of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, which featured an illustration of a loin-clothed Indigenous saying, “Come over and help us.” As Vowell points out, the seal was emblematic of a perverse and ideologically biased reconfiguring of the situation: “The worldview behind that motto—we’re here to help, whether you want our help or not—is the Massachusetts Puritans’ most enduring bequest to the future United States” (25). In reality, a diverse array of Native groups had maintained sophisticated societies and social systems for thousands of years before European encroachment. Contrary to the statement in the seal, when English colonists and Native groups met in North America, it was the English who desperately needed help adapting to a new climate and unfamiliar resources.
John Winthrop’s “A Model of Christian Charity” sermon also articulated this worldview for posterity. American politicians in ensuing centuries continued to refer to Winthrop’s ideal “city upon a hill.” That vision remains a familiar metaphor of America’s alleged rightful place as the leader of the free world.
Vowell harshly criticizes this worldview, even though she admits to also falling victim to its optimism and self-aggrandizement. Americans like to believe in their own inherent moral standing, but this distorted notion that their influence always brings help led to devastating consequences for North American Indigenous groups, Filipinos during the age of American imperialism, the Vietnamese during the Cold War, and Iraqis during George W. Bush’s “War on Terrorism.”
The Old Testament’s Ten Commandments were at the heart of Puritan life, which was rooted in patriarchy and male supremacy. Vowell devotes special consideration to the Fifth Commandment: “Honour thy father and they mother.” Vowell explains: “This paternal and maternal language is not mere empty words to these Puritans. They believe the Fifth Commandment requires them to obey the parental authority of king and church” (79). Interpreting this to mean that all should pay deference to male authority figures, men acting as church and political fathers controlled Puritan society.
At various historical moments, that obedience was superficial and imperfect, but it was always a commitment. The paternalist loyalty to the English king was one reason why the Massachusetts Bay colonists did not become separatists, even though they were at odds with the Church of England: The breach would have been in violation of the Fifth Commandment.
This paternalism extended to the politics of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Winthrop, as governor, saw “himself as a father and the other colonists as his children” (78)—it was his job to dole out punishments accordingly. When Winthrop came under fire from various dissenters for leniency, strictness, or power grabbing, he defended himself as a father owed loyalty and obedience.
The gendered dimensions of this ideology came into play most obviously with the trial and banishment of Anne Hutchinson. The double standards that plagued women “kept her from pursuing her calling. She should have been a minister or a magistrate. She should have had John Cotton’s job—or John Winthrop’s” (237). However, since women could not be public figures, the popularity of her home sermons was anathema to Puritan society. Unlike male preachers who diverged from dogma, Hutchinson faced accusations of witchcraft before her final sentences of banishment and excommunication arrived. Even when Hutchinson established Portsmouth, as a woman, she could not sign its Compact. Vowell reflects that these restrictions necessarily distort the historical record: The text of the Compact is etched into a memorial with the male signers’ names, while a nearby statue of Hutchinson is in a gendered space—a “Women’s Healing Garden” that elides most of her major historical influence.
A central debate that emerged in New England was the proper relationship between church and state. Religion permeated and dictated every aspect of Puritan life and society. Since each profession was, in their worldview, ultimately assigned and approved by God, leaders like John Winthrop quashed dissent like the kind leveled by Roger Williams, who pushed for a division of church and state to “protect believers from their government” (128), and “to guard against any intrusion of the civil sphere into the religious sphere” (129).
When Williams established Rhode Island, he designated it as a place of religious freedom. The settlers signed the “Providence Agreement” that specified that “orders or agreements [that] shall be made for public good […] only in civil things” (149). Defining government as a civil stressed that the state could not require religious obedience—religion was a separate sphere. Williams’s view became the standard for American societies, but it did not win out over homogenous religious settlements during his lifetime.
As Vowell notes, questions about the proper relationship between civil and religious institutions have continued through ensuing generations of American politicians into the 21st century.
Vowell devotes considerable space to tracing Puritan legacies and mythology into the 20th and 21st centuries. As Americans have maintained certain mostly imagined values from Puritan colonists, they have largely distorted the realities of Puritan society in commemoration and political rhetoric.
The most influential Puritan idea that influenced the US was American exceptionalism, which insinuates American moral superiority. The rise of Conservativism during the Cold War, particularly during the apex of Ronald Reagan’s career, prominently featured Winthropian rhetoric of “a city upon a hill.” Vowell calls out the fact that while the original “A Model of Christian Charity” sermon stressed the need to uplift the entire community in mutual support, Reagan’s America was rife with economic and social turmoil.
Most Americans know very little about the earliest English colonists beyond simplified, romanticized, and sanitized myths that bypass their suffering and the suffering they wrought in Native homelands they occupied. In contrast to this mythical approach to the Puritans, Vowell describes the personal connection to the history she forms during her research for the book. Traveling across New England to visit important historical sites and working with John Winthrop’s original manuscripts allows her to see the daily reality behind his role as religious and civil leader: “He is simultaneously imagining an idealistic city on a hill, and making sure that city has nine hundred pounds of cheese” (82). As Vowell visits elements of the Puritan colony hide in plain sight in modern greater Boston, she is struck by how many important historical events took place in such close proximity and left behind physical traces.
Vowell concludes that “Winthrop and his shipmates would appreciate being spared the indignity of fame” (86)—they would rue their lives, so serious, religious, and in seemingly constant danger, becoming the basis of sitcoms and cheesy tourist attractions. Vowell also stresses that despite colony’s own capitalist objectives, the moneymaking tourist schemes that have followed in their wake distort history to the point of offensiveness. Musing over a hotel waterslide replica of the Mayflower, she wonders whether a passenger might “point out that half the Mayflower passengers died their first year in Plymouth so maybe it’s disrespectful to turn the vessel into a cannonball-launcher next to a hot tub?” (87).