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63 pages 2 hours read

David McCullough

Truman

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1992

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Part 4, Chapters 11-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 11 Summary: “The Buck Stops Here”

In the early postwar period, Truman had to face many domestic issues as well as the growing tensions in Europe with the nascent Cold War. Time magazine featured Truman as Man of the Year for completing the war effort. On the domestic front, Truman proposed a 21-point program in September 1945 for internal development including tax reform, unemployment compensation, farm insurance, and housing aid. McCullough describes it as a “comprehensive statement of progressive philosophy and a sweeping liberal action” (546). Truman learned that he could not please everybody as the country was facing economic problems like significant inflation and a housing shortage. For example, labor and business leaders sought opposite things.

Truman’s popularity fell significantly. He was also growing dissatisfied with Secretary of State Jimmy Byrnes for acting without presidential authority. In 1947, Truman replaced Byrnes with George Marshall, whom Truman admired. In turn, he replaced Marshall with General Dwight Eisenhower. Overall, Truman was not particularly happy at the White House which he called “the great white sepulcher of ambitions and reputations” (555).

In foreign policy, the relationship with the USSR remained a key concern. McCullough suggests that Truman “did truly wish to get along with the Russians” (564). Churchill delivered his now-famous “Iron Curtain” speech at Westminster College in Missouri in March 1946 in which he encouraged American to challenge communism. A month earlier, McCullough notes, Stalin publicly stated “that communism and capitalism were incompatible and another war was inevitable” (564). The international situation was growing tenser. George Kennan, then working in the US Moscow embassy, wrote the 8,000-word “Long Telegram” outlining his Soviet policy. He was critical of its ideology and form of government and argued that the Soviet Union understood only “the logic of force” (569). In China, “the Red Armies of Mao Tse-tung were making steady gains” (587). There were dissenters, however, for instance, Henry Wallace argued in favor of American and Soviet spheres of influence to prevent war. In September 1946, Truman fired him as secretary of commerce.

A major issue domestically in 1946 was the nationwide coal strike by the United Mine Workers, which added, McCullough says, to “the longest, most costly siege of labor trouble in the nation’s history” (571). Railway unions threatened a strike too. Truman challenged the railway walkout by signing an executive order for the government to operate the railroads, which postponed the strike. When the strike commenced, McCullough says, “[a]lmost at once the whole country was brought virtually to a standstill” (577). Truman responded by threatening to draft the striking workers into the Army, while some “questioned whether the President was overstepping the bounds of the Constitution” (580). Ultimately, the strike was settled, and the strike by miners soon ended as well. 

Chapter 12 Summary: “Turning Point”

The period between 1946 and 1948 features important events like the launch of the Marshall Plan. Despite Truman’s growing confidence in his role, some continued to question his fit as President. Dean Acheson, however, believed Truman to be honest and decisive. The President sought to improve labor management and endorsed a national health insurance program. Acheson was made under-secretary state. Truman, Acheson, and Marshall viewed the geopolitical situation through the prism of what they believed would be Soviet domination in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. In the autumn of 1946, Truman received a 100,000-word report on Soviet-American relations which was influenced by George Kennan’s views. The Americans feared the expansion of communism in Europe and Asia and expressed concern about the size and scope of the Soviet military capabilities.

This research translated into what came to be known as the Truman Doctrine, based on a speech to Congress that the President delivered on March 12, 1947. The speech focused on the immediate circumstances in Greece and Turkey. But ideologically it sought to challenge the perceived spread of communism, and, therefore, the Soviet Union, all around the world. Truman spoke of supporting “free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressure” (627). The immediate reaction to Truman’s speech, McCullough says, “was overwhelmingly supportive” (627). In mid-1947, Kennan published an article in Foreign Affairs under the name Mr. X in which he argued in favor of containing the Soviet Union. It is this term, containment, that became a cornerstone of American foreign policy during the Cold War.

Kennan also issued a report called “Certain Aspects of the European Recovery Problem from the United States Standpoint” about the postwar economic situation in Europe. At this time, the situation was dire as millions were starving. The American side believed that European collapse would engender radical political movements and a tailspin for the global economy. As a result, the Marshall Plan, named after George Marshall and officially known as the European Recovery Program, was born. Leaving the Soviet Union out of the Marshall Plan, the aid package targeted 17 Western European countries. Congress approved the plan in April 1948.

In private, according to McCullough, Truman acknowledged that “much too much was being made of the ‘the Communist bugaboo’” and that “the country was ‘perfectly safe so far as Communism is concerned’” (630). Nonetheless, that same month Truman issued an Executive Order to launch the Federal Employees Loyalty and Security Program. The goals of this program were to subject federal employees to a loyalty investigation through the FBI and the House Un-American Activities Committee. Domestically, Truman spoke to the NAACP, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which was the first speech by a president to the group. Truman quoted Abraham Lincoln and spoke against prejudice in what was, McCullough says, “the strongest statement on civil rights heard in Washington since the time of Lincoln” (649). Earlier, in 1946, Truman founded his own civil rights commission.

In Truman’s private life, his mother’s health was failing, and she passed away in July at the age of 94. The author highlights that Martha Ellen Young Truman lived through several presidents and wars and witnessed her son become president. Meanwhile, Margaret’s singing career was growing as she performed at such venues as the Hollywood Bowl. Bess, in contrast to Eleanor Roosevelt, consistently avoided public life and valued her family’s privacy, which she guarded, McCullough says, “like a precious jewel” (658). Yet, despite staying out of public life, Bess “did indeed advise Truman on decisions,” McCullough suggests, and “he listened to her” (658).

Chapters 11-12 Analysis

“The Buck Stops Here” chapter title refers to a period of transition from wartime to peacetime in Truman’s presidency. As the euphoria of victory waned, the President had to face domestic problems, such as strikes in major industries. Whereas the first hundred days of Truman’s presidency were some of the most difficult in US history, the stress of leadership did not diminish after the war’s end.

However, foreign policy remained a major focal point for Truman. Both the US and the Soviet Union rose to superpower status after World War II, and their ideological differences contributed to rising tensions in the early Cold War period. In the American view, the Soviet Union was seeking to dominate the world starting with its neighbors. In the Soviet view, their country had been ravaged by the German invasion, which only highlighted its historic vulnerability to invasion. The Soviets similarly misunderstood the American outlook. While America sought to liberate Western Europe through the strengthening of democratic institutions and respect for human rights, Stalin saw these initiatives as an American attempt to dominate Western Europe as he hoped to dominate Eastern Europe. Thus, the Soviet Union perceived the control of Eastern Europe as a matter of security, while the US saw it as the imposition of tyranny and oppression.

It was this perception that gave rise to the 1947 Truman Doctrine, which effectively focused American foreign policy on targeting the spread of communism and Soviet influence. The Truman Doctrine also led to the arms race and the development of the military-industrial complex—combining state funding and private contractors. The growing rift between Acheson and Kennan was a matter of aggressive versus pragmatic foreign policy. Kennan’s “Long Telegram” and “The Sources of Soviet Conflict” became the cornerstone of the American Cold War policy of containment. However, Kennan grew to believe that the more hawkish aspects of his papers were used while the more realist ones were ignored. The misunderstanding of the Soviet Union led by those like Acheson translated into tensions and escalations in the Cold War period.

The Marshall Plan became one of the key aspects of the Truman-era containment policy, yet its success raised postwar tensions. The unprecedented economic growth of the free countries of Western Europe after the war compared to the stagnation of the Eastern Bloc increased Soviet security worries. Not only did the countries of Western Europe increasingly have the resources to resist Soviet aggression even without American support, but their success also threatened the Soviet sphere of influence from within. The freedom and prosperity of Western Europe after the war posed an existential threat to the Soviet system as residents of the Eastern Bloc compared their oppression and deprivation with conditions in the West. The “iron curtain” of Churchill’s speech was designed in part to keep people from fleeing the Soviet sphere in favor of the comparative wealth, liberty, and self-determination of Western Europe. The success of the Marshall plan caused the Soviets to feel threatened from without and within.

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