When China Ruled the Seas

“While stressing the originality of early American cultures, most scholars are generally agreed that there appears to have been at least some Asian influence in the New World before the arrival of Columbus. How much influence and exactly when this influence occurred are the subjects of much debate, but one of the most likely moments of contact seems to be around 1000 B.C. and may have involved the displaced Shang and their Yi boatmen.”

For many people, Christopher Columbus or the Vikings represent the first contact in the New World by people outside the Americas. This is a reminder that Asian peoples likely arrived there first, even long before Europeans. The passage refers to the end of the Shang dynasty, when they were displaced by the Zhou. The Shang were driven southward, where they mixed with the Yi, China’s first seafaring people . From the Yi, the Shang gained knowledge of sailing and possibly took to the sea to avoid persecution by the Zhou. At about this time, sophisticated crafts very similar to those of the Shang appeared seemingly out of nowhere in two groups of American peoples, providing circumstantial evidence that the Shang introduced them. 

“And, although the Yi peoples were now absorbed into the Chinese empire, the shipbuilding tradition in China remained largely in the hands of their descendants in the coastal provinces of Guangdong, Fujian, and Zhejiang. The people of these provinces were the empire’s future shipwrights and seamen, and remained throughout China’s history the most open to foreigners and outside influence.”

The author goes deep into Chinese history to examine China’s seafaring tradition. She argues that it began with the Yi peoples of eastern and southern China, giving ample evidence of their oceanic exploits. This would be the source of knowledge later employed by the Ming dynasty to reach the heights it did with the treasure fleet. As hinted at in the last sentence, however, this area also contained the seeds of the conflict that would later end the sea voyages. While southern China sought trade and travel, the more conservative, agricultural areas to the north and inland preferred an inward focus for government policy.

“The Song navy grew rapidly from a patchwork force of merchant vessels and coastal patrol boats to an effective fighting fleet. In 1130 there were 11 squadrons and 3,000 men; in 1174, 15 squadrons and 21,000 men; and in 1237, 20 squadrons and 52,000 conscripted men. By the early thirteenth century the Song navy controlled the East China Sea from Fujian province to Japan and Korea, and patrolled China’s main rivers. The total number of ships reached six hundred, the largest of which were twenty-four feet wide and carried a crew of forty-two. All warships were equipped with battering rams, catapults, various incendiary weapons thrown from catapults, protective screens, and fire equipment.” 

This shows how China developed into a strong naval force as a result of its political history. In its later years, the Song dynasty moved its capital south to Hangzhou due to strong attacks by groups to its north and east. In this southern location, it used waterways for part of its defense—the East China Sea to the east and the Yangzi River to the north—and by necessity developed a strong navy. The descendants of the southern Yin people in Fujian helped provide the knowledge to do so, continuing the seafaring tradition in China.

“The behavior of these two scoundrels confirmed the low opinion of trade and merchants held by Confucians, who were beginning to reassert their influence in the weakened Mongol empire. They took over the grain trade and established strict policies—called guan du shang ban (‘government supervision and merchant operation’)—over merchants and overseas ventures. By the 1330s most of the grain going north was transported by the restored inland canal system, which was safer and more reliable than the coastal transport, which gradually diminished. If you kill the hen, it will give you no eggs. Confucian bureaucrats knew that regulation could smother capitalist ventures. People must be allowed to prosper if the tax rolls were to increase. But from this point on China never relaxed its policy of guan du shang ban for very long. The hen was kept in a cage and watched closely. This profound Confucian mistrust of merchants and overseas ventures would have a direct bearing on the fate of the Ming treasure fleet and China’s future economic development.”

This passage relates part of the ongoing struggle in China between those who advocated an open society based on trade and those who wanted to limit trade. It refers to the end of the Yuan dynasty, when its Mongol rulers were in a weakened state and turned over management of shipping grain northward to two private merchants, the “two scoundrels” in the quotation. They embezzled from the government and even took personal tribute from foreign emissaries in violation of the law. When they were caught, it confirmed the Confucian bureaucrats’ opinion of the baseness of commerce and merchants. This back-and-forth struggle continued into the years of the Ming dynasty, when it would have profound effects.

“Zhu Di’s first act upon ascending the throne on July 17 was to execute those officials and military officers who refused to recognize him, along with their relations to the ninth and tenth degrees and their neighbors, teachers, servants, and friends. Many Confucians who had served Zhu Yunwen were among them. In the wake of this horrible purge, reminiscent of his father’s 1393 massacre, Zhu Di picked the name Yongle, meaning ‘lasting joy,’ as the name of his reign.”

This shows the other side of the same struggle noted in the previous quotation. A hundred years after the grain scandal led to Confucian bureaucrats vowing to reign in trade, a new emperor in the new Ming dynasty sought to purge many of them for personal reasons. They supported his nephew as emperor, whom Zhu Di deposed. Thus, the pendulum swung the other way, and foreign trade would increase in the decades that followed.

“The strength of the treasure ships was created by another Chinese innovation, watertight bulwark compartments modeled after the multichambered structure of a bamboo stalk. The treasure ships also used a balanced rudder that could be raised and lowered, creating additional stability like an extra keel. A ‘balanced’ rudder placed as much of the rudder forward of the sternpost as behind it and made such large boats as the treasure ships easier to steer. Neither bulwark compartments nor sternposts and balanced rudders were introduced into European shipbuilding until the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century.”

This points to several examples of ways in which China was more advanced than Europe in technology and shipbuilding in the 15th century. These were advantages the Chinese could have capitalized on to maintain an edge over European nations. However, their decision to effectively close the country meant that shipbuilding skills and methods were neither passed on nor improved upon, allowing Europe to catch up. 

“Although the treasure ships carried twenty-four cast-bronze cannon that had a range of up to eight or nine hundred feet, they were not considered fighting ships and did not have the fuchuan’s raised platforms or extended planks for combat. Rather, the treasure ships were appointed for luxury. There were grand cabins for the imperial envoys, and the windowed halls and antechambers were festooned with balconies and railings. The ships’ holds were filled with expensive silks and porcelains for trade with foreign countries. The ships’ bodies were brightly carved and painted, their prows adorned with carved animal heads and glaring dragon eyes and their sterns with dragon and phoenix patterns or eagle and ball designs that symbolized auspiciousness. The bottoms of the of the vessels were whitewashed, and near the red waterline was a sun-and-moon frieze.”

This description gives a good illustration of the treasure ships in all their size and luxury. It’s impressive on its own, but all the more so when one remembers the size and rather primitive state of European sailing ships during this time. The two were incomparable. It’s also a good example of the detailed writing style of the author. Where sources allow, Levathes provides plenty of details—be they descriptive or statistical—so the reader can get a clear image in his or her mind.

“So great were the needs of this enormous fleet that almost immediately it began to be a strain on the population. To ease the burden on the people in supplying the all-important tung oil and hemp for the ships, the emperor created large orchards outside Nanjing with more than ten thousand tung trees to meet the needs of the Longjiang yards. But wealth from foreign trade would flow back mainly to the court. For ordinary subjects the voyages would become associated with heavy taxes and corrupt officials who squeezed counties for even more than their share.” 

Here the author presents the other side of the treasure fleet’s expeditions: the great toll they took on the common people. Such an undertaking required coordinated efforts nationwide, and the demand for resources could be too burdensome. As the quotation notes, this meant both natural resources of various kinds and financial resources in the form of taxes.

“China’s retreat from commerce under Zhu Yuanzhang had created havoc among the small city-states in Indonesia and the Malay peninsula. Their principal source of income had been abruptly cut off. Lured by the lucrative profits of the spice trade, roving bands of pirates and bootleggers entered the vacuum. The Chinese coasts were hounded by Japanese wako; the south Vietnamese coast was controlled by bandit slave traders; and Palembang in southeastern Sumatra became the center of the illicit China trade, ruled by renegades from Guangzhou. The impressive array of warships that accompanied the giant treasure-laden junks was more than mere show. Zhu Di undoubtedly wanted to protect the fleet’s precious cargo, thus opening the sea routes to legitimate trade.” 

This passage gives a good sense of the stakes involved in China’s overseas expeditions. Beyond the domestic goals and trade involved were serious issues of stability throughout China’s sphere of influence in Asia. As is clear from the quotation, without China’s presence, the seas and some cities fell under the control of bad actors such as Japanese pirates or “wako.” 

“On his visit to Java, Zheng He found large colonies of wealthy Chinese merchants, who had arrived at the end of the fourteenth century despite Zhu Yuanzhang’s strict ban on private trade and foreign travel. The town of Gresik on the northwest coast of Java was governed by a man from Guangdong province, and a thousand Chinese families lived there; Surabaja in the northeast also had ‘many Chinese.’ Under Zhu Di, who encouraged trade, these communities flourished.”

This exemplifies the theme of the voyages’ legacy in terms of the Chinese diaspora across Asia. Already during Zheng He’s time, Chinese merchants and districts could be found in foreign cities. However they arrived, the increase in trade under the Zhu Di helped them to thrive.

“The point of recognizing the sovereignty of Malacca, from China’s point of view, was to enhance the stability of the region. Zheng He presented Parameswara with two silver seals, an official hat, and a royal girdle and robe and set up a stone tablet officially declaring the city and its environs a country. Zhu Di had personally overseen the composition of the text for the Malaccan stele—an unusual gesture for a Chinese emperor and one he would repeat three more times during his reign in efforts to secure closer relations with Japan, Brunei, and Cochin in south India.” 

This passage about the relations between China and Malacca provides an example of the diplomatic nature of the treasure fleet voyages, which should not be overlooked. As the dominant power in the region, China’s influence was important for stability. Indeed, one of the reasons for the seventh and final voyage in 1432, ordered by Zhu Di’s grandson was to restore stability between Siam and Malacca, whose relationship deteriorated in China’s absence.

“At times as many as a hundred thousand workers were employed in the construction of the Bao’en complex, which eventually consisted of more than twenty buildings and terraces in addition to the porcelain pagoda. The cost was reported to be over 2.5 million ounces of silver and was taken from surplus revenues of the treasure fleet. The voyages of the treasure fleet had clearly established China’s superiority in the Indian Ocean trade, which it would maintain until the arrival of the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century.”

This quotation shows two things: the scale and opulence of the Zhu Di’s projects and how trade enriched the state. Zhu Di enjoyed showcasing the grandeur of the empire, and the porcelain pagoda he built in honor of his mother was exquisite. It later became a favorite destination for visitors and was often considered one of the Seven Wonders of the World until its destruction in the 19th century during the Taiping Rebellion. The fact that it was paid for by revenue from the treasure fleet’s voyages is evidence of the fleet’s successful trading. As the author notes elsewhere, however, such revenue accrued to the state, and the common people, who were burdened by taxes providing other resources, did not share in it. This would later contribute to the decision to end the expeditions. 

“Young and confident, Zhu Di was a prince who had been reared to reign, not a pauper soldier like his father, who was fearful of foreigners and outside influences. And from the moment Zhu Di seized the dragon throne, he played on a world stage as no emperor had done before. The voyages of the treasure ships were among nearly fifty emissarial missions dispatched by the Yongle emperor during his twenty-four-year reign. They were but one part of a grander scheme to extend China’s influence and power to the world’s ‘four corners.’”

This indicates the extent to which personal qualities and circumstances played a role in decisions with momentous consequences for China. Zhu Di’s background prepared him for making grand gestures as ruler of the country. His father, however, who grew up as an impoverished orphan, was more circumspect and focused on acting within China’s borders. Similarly, when Zhu Di died and his son Zhu Gaozhi succeeded him, circumstances and personality played a role in the latter’s decisions. Raised the pampered son of the emperor, Zhu Gaozhi was more bookish than his father. He was raised by Confucian tutors and favored them over the eunuchs his father preferred at court. Thus, he took the Confucian’s advice in setting a more inward-looking policy.

“For foreign envoys traveling within China, the post houses supplied carts, horses, and young boys to carry possessions. Every night, the envoys were given ‘a couch, a suit of silken sleeping dress, together with a servant to attend to their needs.’ They were also well fed with meals of mutton, fowl, bread, rice, pickled vegetables, wine, and beer. Post houses kept records of all arrivals and departures and what services had been rendered.”

This quotation gives an idea of the expense that Zhu Di’s system of foreign trade entailed. The treasure ships were massively expensive to build and equip, but they were just one aspect of the system. For example, numbers of foreign emissaries constantly came and went at the court, some from far away who stayed for a year or more. Considering how well they were treated, as indicated by the quotation, it could be quite expensive to maintain them.

“At this moment Chinese influence abroad was at its peak, and all the important trading ports in the Indian Ocean basin and China seas—from Korea and Japan throughout the Malay Archipelago and India to the east African coast—were at least nominally under Chinese authority and acknowledged the suzerainty of the dragon throne. From this lofty pinnacle China could have consolidated its position and become the dominant power in shaping the modern world. While Europe was still emerging from the Dark Ages, China, with her navy of giant junks, was poised to become the colonial power of the sixteenth century and tap the riches of the globe. The appearance of the qilin indeed heralded an auspicious time, ripe with possibilities, but the emperor was already beginning to focus his and the empire’s energies inward. That moment at the pinnacle would last barely more than five years.”

This summarizes the scope of Chinese domination in Asia and as far afield as Africa at the height of China’s power in the early 15th century. It also places China’s position at this time in stark relief to that of Europe. The author highlights this as a turning point in China’s progression, seen in retrospect, with things about to change in just a few years. 

“The court registry at the time recorded 62 trades and 232,089 skilled workers for imperial service. In addition, over a million laborers were engaged in general construction tasks in Beijing and hundreds of thousands more in lumbering and quarrying in various parts of the empire. Between 1417 and 1420, the peak construction years, it was estimated that one in fifty people in China, which then had a total population of about sixty million, worked on the Forbidden City.” 

These statistics help to put into perspective the great undertaking involved in moving the capital to Beijing. It truly was a national effort that put a heavy burden on the population. This contributed to the later decision to end the treasure fleet voyages and focus inward.

“He echoed an early idea of the Son of Heaven as ruler of tian xia, that is, ‘all under the heavens.’ As far as the Chinese knew in the early centuries of the Christian era, there was little of consequence beyond the boundaries of their empire. If one owned everything, what was the point of going out and conquering it? The European concept of a militant, crusading colonialism beyond the necessity of creating a favorable climate for east-west trade demeans the Chinese ideal of an all-powerful, semidivine emperor and thus never occurred to Zhu Di. Prosperity was the reward for allegiance to the dragon throne; it would instill a greater loyalty in barbarian people than could be mustered with garrisons and foot soldiers.” 

This is an insightful passage that presents the Chinese view of the world as a contributing factor behind why the treasure fleet did not go farther than it did. It’s a different philosophy from that of the West that helps explain what might seem to be an arbitrary boundary line at the Persian Gulf and East Africa. To the Chinese, there was no reason to proceed further; they already owned or controlled everything of value in the known world. 

“All voyages of the treasure ships are to be stopped. All ships moored at Taicang [near the mouth of the Yangzi River] are ordered back to Nanjing and all goods on the ships are to be turned over to the Department of Internal Affairs and stored. If there were any foreign envoys wishing to return home, they will be provided with a small escort. Those officials who are currently abroad on business are ordered back to the capital immediately […] and all those who had been called to go on future voyages are ordered back to their homes.”

This is a translation of the first decree by Zhu Gaozhi, who succeeded his father Zhu Di as emperor, issued the very day he took the throne. It stemmed from the advice of his advisors, who counseled the need for measures to rein in spending. Arriving after a series of expensive military campaigns against the Mongols carried out by Zhu Di, the decree shows how quickly policy agendas can change. As it happened, circumstances changed just as quickly when Zhu Gaozhi died suddenly after only a year in power, and his successor ordered another voyage. However, the expeditions would still come to an end soon after that.

“The untimely death of Zhu Gaozhi left two strong elements in the Ming court vying for power. The eunuchs, so trusted by Zhu Di, held important positions both inside and outside the palace and had a vested interest in reinstating trade and the voyages of the treasure ships. Then there were the Confucian scholar-officials, recently appointed by Zhu Gaozhi, who wished to restore fiscal stability to the empire by conservative and traditional methods that clearly did not include excessive taxation of the population and risky sea ventures.”

Here, the author brings together the competing interests she notes throughout the book to a single moment when the trajectory of the Ming dynasty hung in the balance. China would either continue on the path of looking outward and engaging in foreign trade or turn inward and foster isolationism. The decision came down to the political debate held at the court between the Confucian bureaucrats and the contingent of eunuchs. Ultimately, the former prevailed.

“Zhu Zhanji was thus a combination of his father and grandfather. Some would say the balance he achieved between the blind expansionist policies of Zhu Di and the rigid Confucianism of Zhu Gaozhi was the finest hour of the Ming dynasty, a time of peace, prosperity, and good government. The reign of the Xuande emperor also produced one last, glorious expedition of the treasure fleet.” 

Following on the previous quotation, Levathes writes that the ten-year reign of Zhu Zhanji again achieved balance between the Confucians and the eunuchs. She argues that it allowed the glory of the Ming dynasty to continue, however briefly. This was important in that it allowed for one last voyage of the treasure fleet.

“At its height in the early fifteenth century, the great Ming navy consisted of 3,500 vessels: 2,700 of them were warships at the dozens of coastal patrol stations up and down the coast, 400 were warships based at Xinjiangkou near Nanjing, and 400 were armed transport vessels for grain. In Zhejiang province alone, the fleet consisted of over 700 junks. But by 1440 the number of Zhejiang ships had been reduced to less than half that. By the middle of the fifteenth century, the provincial fleets were at a fraction of their former strength. By 1500 it was a capital offense to build boats of more than two masts, and in 1525 an imperial edict authorized coastal authorities to destroy all oceangoing ships and to arrest the merchants who sailed them. By 1551, at the height of wako piracy on the southeast China coast, it was a crime to go to sea in a multimasted ship, even for purposes of trade. In less than a hundred years, the greatest navy the world had ever known had ordered itself into extinction. Why?” 

This passage presents the self-isolation of China in terms of statistics and changes in law over a little more than a century. The effect is striking; one can almost see a graph line plunging downward. By the end of the 15th century—heyday of the treasure fleet with massive ships of up to nine masts—the law limited ships to only two masts. Trade was eventually shut down altogether. Given that all this was self-imposed, the author rightly wonders why. It’s part of what makes the story of the treasure ships such an enthralling yet beguiling tale.

“Ironically, China withdrew from the seas just at the moment when European powers were venturing farther and farther from the safe haven of the Mediterranean, trying to find a sea route to the Far East.” 

This quotation again illustrates the writing style of the author. She is adept at structuring her narrative to highlight turning points. Here, she places the impending decline of the Chinese seagoing expeditions next to the nascent rise of European exploration, underscoring the historical shift about to take place. 

“The legacy of Zheng He was thus the diaspora of the Chinese in Southeast Asia and, unwittingly, piracy and unleashed greed for the riches of the world markets. But there were still other consequences of the voyages, for in the hulls of the treasure ships were the calendars, books, musical instruments, weights, and measures that in some small measure spread Chinese culture to every port the fleet touched.” 

This neatly sums up the legacy of the treasure ship voyages and their commander Zheng He, one of the themes of the book. It points to mostly positive things: the Chinese diaspora and dissemination of Chinese culture. In today’s terms, we might say China successfully exerted “soft power” on Southeast Asia during this period. However, the author also notes a couple of negative consequences, which might be inevitable in any complex endeavor.