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44 pages 1 hour read

Patrick J. Deneen

Why Liberalism Failed

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2018

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Chapter 6-ConclusionChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 6 Summary: “The New Aristocracy”

The work of the elite universities has been to identify and attain talent from around the world, wherever it may originate, and bring it to a handful of specific locations where it can be educated and contained:

Elite universities engage in the educational equivalent of strip mining: identifying economically viable raw materials in every city, town, and hamlet, they strip off that valuable commodity, process it in a distant location, and render the products economically useful for productivity elsewhere (132).

The universities have in fact contributed to the creation of a new kind of aristocratic regime that liberal democracies—America in particular—have always attempted to reject.

The philosopher John Locke, for instance, saw that liberalism would naturally result in a rejection of the older form of aristocracy and simply create a new one. This new aristocracy would be based on rational powers and education, but it would be a ruling class of the elite nevertheless: “The criteria for the ruling class change, but their arbitrary distribution remains” (137). The difference is that the old aristocracy was based largely upon one’s hereditary position—a position that one could not simply advance into—whereas the new aristocracy would be one based (at least ostensibly) on merit, thereby giving the illusion of being the kind of thing one could attain should one work hard enough and earn it.

The only problem with this is that liberalism requires the destruction of the weak in order for the strong—the wealthy, the privileged, the connected—to continue their rule. Society can be transformed by those who are free from the constraints of community, local ties, tradition, or any manner of custom. Things were not always this way: “Our society was once shaped on the basis of the benefit for the many ordinary; today it is shaped largely for the benefit of the few strong” (148-49).

In addition, the problem lies in the fact that liberalism operates in this way without being explicit about what it is doing; in many ways, it is like the noble lie of Plato’s regime in The Republic, where the society is meant to believe it is operating in a particular way without knowing the truth of how things work and the primary goals of that society. The difference is that, in liberalism, it is not just the common people who are victims of this noble lie, but every citizen—elite and commoner alike.

Chapter 7 Summary: “The Degradation of Citizenship”

When we think of liberalism, we almost always associate it with democratic regimes—hence the term “liberal democracy.” Along with this comes the assumed form of government where those who rule do so by the voiced consent and affirmation of the populace as a whole.

On the whole, though, Deneen argues that this form of government assumes the veneer of perfect democratic representation while doing away with genuine representation: “The genius of liberalism was to claim legitimacy on the basis of consent and arrange periodic managed elections, while instituting structures that would dissipate democratic energies, encourage the creation of a fractured and fragmented public, and ensure government by select elite actors” (155). Democracies devolve very quickly, in most cases, into rule by the elite who have assumed their positions at the behest of the people.

Eventually, those who would defend liberalism are accustomed to view true democracy with suspicion and anxiety since their positions of power would be rather precarious and would depend on their completion of their duties. When the majority begin to be suspicious or resentful of their leaders, however, democracy suddenly becomes something that may not be so desirable after all: “When democratic majorities reject aspects of liberalism—as electorates throughout western Europe and America have done in recent years—a growing chorus of leading voices denounce democracy and the unwisdom of the masses” (157). Some have even gone so far as to denounce the universal right to vote, a clear ploy to keep power away from those deemed undesirable for advancing the liberal project.

These same figures often try to find ways to keep the population under control and reluctant to form close associations with one another. Citizens are trained to view one another with suspicion and to view their own interests as trumping all others (even to the detriment of their family and neighbors, completely destroying the sense of the common good). Deneen suggests it can even be argued that the founding fathers of the nation had this explicitly in mind: Alexnader Hamilton, for instance, wrote that even though individuals would by nature feel closer to their family, the central government could win the affections of the people if it was made to function better than their local communities and governments.

Alexis de Tocqueville, however, noticed that the American spirit was one of great cooperation and empathy, noting that “it was the nearness and immediacy of the township that made its citizens more likely to care and take an active interest not only in their own fates but in the shared fates of their fellow citizens” (176). Tocqueville had his doubts that this kind of culture could continue under the philosophical trajectory he predicted for the country, and Deneen believes he was correct.

Conclusion Summary: “Liberty After Liberalism”

The time is ripe for a reevaluation of liberalism and its fruit thanks to the fact that liberalism has been fully implemented, been fully successful, and therefore has inevitably failed. Deneen asserts, “The ‘Noble Lie’ of liberalism is shattering because it continues to be believed and defended by those who benefit from it, while it is increasingly seen as a lie, and not an especially noble one, by the new servant class that liberalism has produced” (180). More and more, the divide between the stated ideals of the liberal state and the actual experience of those living within that regime has been noticed. The state’s tendencies to shift toward a deeper and more extensive centralized government has done damage to the ways in which human beings are meant to live locally and in manageable communities.

Liberalism can continue as it currently exists, resulting in ever-more strident discontent. On the other hand, the liberal regime can disintegrate and be replaced by something quite different, as it has in certain other Eastern nations where instances of authoritarianism, fascism, and military autocracy have occurred. Neither of these options are desirable. So the question becomes: If not liberalism, then what manner of regime is desirable?

Deneen argues that there are three steps that must be taken to begin driving politics in a sane, human, and therefore desirable direction. First, the genuine goods of liberalism need to be acknowledged; there is no reason to deny that there are certain goods that have been brought about in the previous centuries. Second, there must be a strong reaction against any manner of ideology that would require blind commitment in contrast to opposing views and persons. Third and finally, the genuine possibility of finding something new must be hoped for—nothing will change if nothing is expected.

Modern liberalism has replaced genuine freedom with the freedom of choice, and this typically narrows even further to the choice of various consumer goods. Liberalism has been an enemy of genuine freedom and liberty from the start, making men and women alike servants of the liberal state and its goals. There is no reason to return to an imagined golden age, but the best of the past must be drawn out and reinstated in order to create a new future that leaves the ideology of liberalism behind. Just because there has been a general consensus that liberalism was the way forward—considered largely under the terms of free consent—does not mean that this is the path that should be used in the future.

Deneen believes that there is a growing discontent with liberalism, and it is starting within individual families and communities who are attempting to cultivate a genuine counterculture. What that mode of living, and the regime by which it is ruled, is called makes no difference. Deneen posits,

What we need today are practices fostered in local settings, focused on the creation of new and viable cultures, economics grounded in virtuosity within households, and the creation of civic polis life. Not a better theory, but better practices. Such a condition and differing philosophy that it encourages might finally be worthy of the name ‘liberal’ (197-98, emphasis added).

When that occurs, the regime of liberalism will finally be purified of its excesses and decay and might truly gain the power to enable genuine liberty.

Chapter 6-Conclusion Analysis

Deneen uses the example of America to illustrate and reinforce The Unsustainability of Liberalism. America’s founding fathers wished to escape the monarchical and aristocratic regimes of Europe by establishing a nation that would be governed by the people and would allow for a kind of freedom unaffected by hereditary ruling powers that could not be changed or affected by the will of the people. Citizens were supposed to advance not by birth, but by merit. Thus, the possibility of upward mobility seems to be built into the very structure of liberalism.

However, Deneen believes that what has happened is the creation of a new kind of aristocracy that brings all the undesirable traits of the old, adding new traits of its own that make this new liberal aristocracy perhaps even worse. At the very least, the old aristocracy brought along with it a sense of chivalry and care for the common good. The term noblesse oblige was a term that referred to the obligation the noble class had toward the lower classes, to act with nobility and generosity toward those on the lower rungs of the social hierarchy. Liberalism practically demands that this courtesy be banished from society, reflecting The Loss of Individual Virtue and Self-Restraint.

Rather than entrenching an aristocracy in their wealth and family heritage, Deneen claims that liberalism—along with its accompanying economic system of unfettered capitalism—has set up an aristocracy of pure money instead. As he notes, the criteria for how one becomes a part of this new aristocracy is different, as is its mode of perpetuation, but it now exists nevertheless. This is seen clearly in the recent discontent of those protesting against the 1% on Wall Street, for instance. Liberalism has created a society that is unparalleled in the gap between the upper class and the lower classes.

United to this new aristocracy is the illusion that America is a true democracy in the sense that the old Greek city states were. In Greece, democracy genuinely meant rule by the people: Every vote counted, and it was the people themselves who ruled. In America, which is more properly a republic (See: Index of Terms), the people elect representatives to take their place in duties of government. These elected officials are the ones who truly take on the responsibility and power of governance, and Deneen asserts that these positions of power are largely bought and sold with money, influence, and underhanded promises. Once this ruling class is set in power, they are less apt to champion the same system that got them elected in the first place because that would mean that they are just as subject to being replaced as they might be to keeping their positions. Democracy is a friend of the people, not of a ruling class who might be replaced should they prove to be unpopular or corrupt.

In the end, Deneen argues that liberalism has only served to perpetuate the continued disintegration of the American people and The Destruction of Organic Culture, contributing to the increasing atomization of individuals and the fragmenting of culture and community. In Deneen’s eyes, liberalism does not champion the values that have proved the test of time in cultures throughout history: liberty, virtue, self-control, peace, and care for the common good. All of these qualities have been lionized in the greatest cultures in history, Deneen insists, and yet within liberalism, they are either explicitly denounced or implicitly and surreptitiously undermined.

Deneen also argues that this is not just an idiosyncratic position that he and a few other academics hold, but that the growing discontent in the country is evidence that the American people themselves are beginning to reject The Unsustainability of Liberalism whether they realize it or not. Reluctant to recommend a specific remedy or alternative political system to replace contemporary liberalism, Deneen instead sees hope for the future through cultivating families and localized communities that could change the culture from the bottom up.

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